1871 books for « marx k »Edit

‎Iconographie m di vale entre Antiquit et art roman. D'acanthes et d' cailles. Recueil d'articles de Jacqueline Leclercq-Marx‎

‎, Brepols, 2019 Paperback, 470 pages, Size:210 x 297 mm, Illustrations:25 b/w, 135 col., Language: French. ISBN 9782503575551.‎

‎Summary On ne peut que se f liciter de la parution de ce somptueux recueil qui fait honneur tant la personnalit qu'au travail rudit de J. Leclercq-Marx. Tout esprit curieux qui consultera l'ouvrage pour un article en particulier sera entra n par rebonds successifs vers d'autres th mes et d'autres horizons et sortira de sa lecture avec de nouvelles perspectives. (Maud P REZ-SIMON, dans Cahiers de civilisation m di vale, 256, 2021, p. 403) Recueil d'articles r dig s par Jacqueline Leclercq-Marx tout au long de sa carri re, ce volume consacr l'Iconographie m di vale entre Antiquit et art roman est tout la fois un tat de la recherche et un stimulant manuel d'initiation l'analyse iconographique. S'attachant cette longue p riode souvent n glig e entre Antiquit tardive et Moyen ge roman, l'auteure met en vidence les coh rences et les continuit s entre ces deux mondes. D taillant l'int gration, l'association, l'hybridation ou la paraphrase de formes anciennes comme l' mergence de solutions in dites, elle identifie un ensemble de choix iconographiques qui constituent les images du haut Moyen ge et gagent de leur pouvoir de conviction. Le merveilleux m di val, trop longtemps galvaud , se voit ici r accr dit , refond . Les images de sir nes, centaures, minotaures, chevaliers marins et autres monstres, tr s syst matiquement mises "en correspondance" avec un vaste catalogue de textes, recomposent les fondements d'un imaginaire dont, on sait, qu'il fait toujours autant agir que penser. Loin des expos s th oriques parfois arbitraires, ce volume explicite au travers d'une s rie d' tudes de cas une m thodologie rigoureuse, prudente et ample qui pr vient contre toutes formes de surinterpr tation, exhorte l' tablissement de corr lations entre textes et images, souligne la richesse des apports d'une recontextualisation fine et murmure l'irr m diable instabilit des choses. Ces tudes qui traitent d'architecture, de sculpture et de peinture, comme de miniature et d'orf vrerie, constituent une stimulante incitation la recherche, un point de d part ou le programme d'autres tudes venir. TABLE OF CONTENTS Jacqueline Lerclercq ou l'histoire d'une passion - Brigitte D'Hainaut-Zveny, Alain Dierkens et Constantin Pion Sirenes usque in exitium dulces, l'histoire d'une recherche - Jacqueline Leclercq-Marx Bibliographie de Jacqueline Leclercq-Marx Transferts, emprunts et r appropriations Jacqueline Leclercq : un regard imaginatif vers les re-cr ations m di vales - Xavier Barral i Altet I. Prototypes antiques et re-cr ations m di vales: le cas de quelques monstres anthropomorphes (sir nes, centaures et minotaures) II. De la Terre-M re la Luxure. propos de La migration des symboles III. La repr sentation des dieux antiques dans le premier volume des Chroniques de Hainaut (Bruxelles, KBR, ms. 9242). L'image, le texte, le contexte et la post rit IV. Les avatars d'un mythe antique au Moyen ge.Th s e et le minotaure aux poques pr romane et romane V. Le centaure dans l'art pr roman et roman. Sources d'inspiration et modes de transmission VI. Les oeuvres romanes accompagn es d'une inscription. Le cas particulier des monstres VII. Les visions constantiniennes et leur cho dans l'art occidental (c. 800-c. 1200). Les mots et les images VIII. L'int gration des Sept Merveilles du Monde la culture chr tienne. Entre survivance et r interpr tation Cosmographie et Bestiaires La sir ne, le centaure et autres merveilles: les sources antiques de l'hybridit dans l'esth tique des bestiaires et des cosmographies m di vales - R my Cordonnier IX. L'id e d'un monde marin parall le du monde terrestre. mergence et d veloppements X. Les Eaux sup rieures (Gen. 1,6) dans la peinture du Moyen ge. Synth se critique XIII. La sir ne et l'(ono)centaure dans le Physiologus grec et latin et dans quelques Bestiaires. Le texte et l'image XIV. Dr les d'oiseaux. Le caladre, le ph nix, la sir ne, le griffon et la serre dans le Physiologus, les Bestiaires et les grandes encyclop dies du XIIIe si cle. Mise en prespective XV. L'illustration du Physiologus grec et latin, entre litt ralit et r interpr tation de l'all gorie textuelle. Le cas des manuscrits Bruxellensis 10066-77 et Smyrneus B.8 Entre anthropologie et histoire mat rielle Quand les choses font sens : fondements mat riels et formels d'une anthropologie culturelle des images m di vales - Christian Heck XVI. La couleur de la peau dans le Moyen ge central. Perception et repr sentations XVII. Des dons pas comme les autres. Les ex-voto dans le Moyen ge haut et central XVIII. Le rapport au gain illicite dans la sculpture romane. Entre r alit s socio- conomiques, contacts de culture et r seaux m taphoriques XIX. Du monstre androc phale au monstre humanis . propos des sir nes et des centaures, et de leur famille, dans le haut Moyen ge et l' poque romane XX. Vox Dei clamat in tempestate. propos de l'iconographie des Vents et d'un groupe d'inscriptions campanaires (IXe-XIIe si cles) XXI. Entre arch ologie et histoire mat rielle. Pour une tude du d cor des chemin es m di vales XXII. L'imitation des tissus orientaux dans l'art du Haut Moyen ge et de l' poque romane. T moignages et probl matiques XXIII. Le d cor aux griffons du Logis des Clergeons (cath drale du Puy) et l'imitation des tissus orientaux dans l'art monumental d' poque romane en France. Tour d'horizon Autoportraits d'artistes et signatures, et sur la piste de Goderan de Lobbes Un texte o ce qui compte finalement est l'au-del des mots... - C cile Treffort XXIV. Les signatures d'orf vres au Moyen ge.Entre sociologie, th ologie et histoire XXV. Signatures iconiques et graphiques d'orf vres dans le haut Moyen ge. Une premi re approche XXVI. Le chapiteau d'Heimo (Maastricht, Basiliek Onze-Lieve-Vrouw). Le point sur l'inscription et sur la sc ne de donation XXVII. Des mots qui posent question. Les signatures d'artisans dans le Haut Moyen ge (Ve-Xe si cles) XXVIII. [La Bible de Lobbes]. Les initiales histori es. Quelques hypoth ses et apports nouveaux. I. L'iconographie Index‎

‎Correspondance de Groucho Marx .‎

‎ Editions Champ Libre 1981. In-8 broché oblong de 362 pages au format 21,5 x 12,5 cm. Couverture illustrée à rabats par Patrice Ricord dit Ricor, d'une caricature de Groucho Marx. Dos resté carré avec pâle auréole verticale tout du long. Plats et intérieur frais malgré. Bel état général. Réédition originale, traduite de l’américain par Claude Portail, aidé de Harry Mathews. ‎

‎ Site Internet : Http://librairie-victor-sevilla.fr.Vente exclusivement par correspondance. Le libraire ne reçoit, exceptionnellement que sur rendez-vous. Il est préférable de téléphoner avant tout déplacement.Forfait de port pour un livre 7 €, sauf si épaisseur supérieure à 3 cm ou valeur supérieure ou égale à 100 €, dans ce cas expédition obligatoire au tarif Colissimo en vigueur. A partir de 2 livres envoi en colissimo obligatoire. Port à la charge de l'acheteur pour le reste du monde.Les Chèques ne sont plus acceptés.Pour destinations extra-planétaire s'adresser à la NASA.Membre du Syndicat Lusitanien Amateurs Morues‎

‎Joseph Beuys, Robert Rauschenberg, Cy Twombly, Andy Warhol. Sammlung Marx‎

‎, Prestel, 1982 Hardcover with dust jacket, 253 pages : illustrations (some color) ; 30 cm. Very good copy. Text in German. ISBN 9783791305851.‎

‎Joseph Beuys, Robert Rauschenberg, Cy Twombly, Andy Warhol: Sammlung Marx : Nationalgalerie Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz, 2. ... Mai 1982-30. September 1982 (German Edition)‎

‎La Commune de Paris. ‎

‎ Traduction, préface et notes de Charles Longuet. Paris : G. Jacques et Cie ("Bibliothèque d'Etudes Socialistes, II"), 1901. Un volume (12x18,3 cm) demi-percaline, dos lisse avec titre et auteur dorés (reliure de l'époque), LIII et 141 pages. Edition originale de la traduction française de "La Guerre civile en France". Deux cahiers légèrement débrochés, côte manuscrite en page de titre et cachets "fond Gaëtan Sanvoisin" et "sorti des inventaires" en page de titre et en dernière page sinon bon état. ‎

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‎Cette édition comprend l'introduction de F. Engels de 1891 (23 pages) et l'importante préface de Charles Longet (28 pages) qui fut membre de l'Internationale et élu de la Commune de Paris. Charles Longet (1839-1903) était marié à une des filles de Karl Marx. ‎

‎Les Marx Brothers au Cinéma. ‎

‎ Traduction de Jean-Patrick Manchette. Paris : Solar, 1972. Un volume 13,2x20cm broché de 248 pages illustrées de 74 photographies - bon état - ‎

‎I Don't Belong Anywhere: Gy rgy Ligeti at 100‎

‎, Brepols, 2022 Hardback, 300 pages, Size:220 x 280 mm, Illustrations:12 b/w, 8 col., 60 musical examples, Language: English. ISBN 9782503602400.‎

‎Summary 2023 marks the centenary of Ligeti's birth, an appropriate moment to take stock of the relevance this composer has in the contemporary world, to assess where he ?belongs? today and how our views of his ?uvre and our understanding of his position in musical and cultural history have evolved. What do Ligeti and his music have to say to us in our post-postmodernist age? Why do his works still fascinate us so much? This book offers new readings of core compositions such as Aventures , Lontano , Le Grand Macabre , the H lderlin Fantasies and Galamb borong . It also reassesses the context and reception of Ligeti's works, including the influence of Romanian music (not least in his childhood), musical life in Hungary between 1945 and 1956, the ways in which his thinking was influenced by his experience of different soundscapes, yet also the surprisingly widespread use of his music in film and TV (beyond the usual suspect). Finally it presents new sources discovered or made available only recently: letters exchanged between Ligeti and Aliute Mecys in 1972, the correspondence between the composer and his publisher Schott, and an extended BBC interview from 1997. TABLE OF CONTENTS Wolfgang Marx Introduction Ligeti's Music Benjamin R. Levy Condensed Expression and Compositional Technique in Gy rgy Ligeti's Aventures and Beyond Britta Sweers Listening to Lontano: The Auditory Perception of Ligeti's Sound Textures Pierre Michel - Maryse Staiber Rediscovering the Meaning of Words with H lderlin: About Drei Phantasien by Gy rgy Ligeti Manfred Stahnke 4e Dove and the Bear: 'Galamb Borong' and the Connection to 'Ars Subtilior' Peter Edwards Analysing the Concerto for Violin and Orchestra: Apparitions of the Past and Future Context and Reception Ewa Schreiber Listening (to) Ligeti: Tracing Sound Memories and Sound Images in the Composer's Writings M rton Ker kfy 'Functional Music' and Cantata for the Festival of Youth: New Data on Ligeti's Works from His Budapest Years Bianca ?iplea Teme? Mourning in Folk Style: Ligeti's Reliance on Romanian Laments Julia Heimerdinger Gy rgy Ligeti's Film Music beyond Stanley Kubrick Reading Ligeti Vita Gruodyt? Letters from Stanford: Gy rgy Ligeti to Aliut? Me?ys Heidy Zimmermann More than Printing Scores: Ligeti and His Post-1960 Publishers Joseph Cadagin Everything Is Chance : Gy rgy Ligeti in Conversation with John Tusa, 28 October 1997 Abstracts and Biographies Index of Names‎

‎LA SCULPTURE EN BELGIQUE, a partir de 1830.- Beeldhouwkunst Belgie na 1830 ** 7 vol.***‎

‎, Leuven, Engelen, 2006, Lexique en 7 volumes, 4.300 pages, 15.000 illustrations, format; 27.7x21 cm.text in French.‎

‎La sculputre en Belgique, a partir de 1830 est un monument, un ouvrage de reference quasi exhaustiff, unique dans le domaire de l'edition par l' etendue de sa documentation photographique et biographique inedite; outil de travail indispensable au collectionneur et au marchand d'art, autant qu'a l'artiste et au critique d'art, cer ouvrage encyclpedique aura sa place dans chaque bibliotheque. La contribution de nombreux artistes contemporains fait que cet ouvrage de reference est a la fois d'une grande actualite;‎

‎AVANT LA DESTRUCTION D' UN MONDE.‎

‎, Paris, Librairie d' Histoire et d' Art, 1947., Broche, couverture d' editeur illustre n/b, 13,5x20,5cm, 308pp, illustre n/b.‎

‎De Delacroix a Picasso. Collection de "Les maitres de l' histoire".‎

‎BEELDHOUWKUNST IN BELGIE, 3 delen compleet ‎

‎, Brussel, Studia 90, 2002., Gebonden in Linnen, met omslag, 3 delen, 21x27,7cm, 680pp.+ 640pp.+ 556pp.(hardbound)‎

‎nederlandstalige repertorium, met heel veem afbeeldingen van werken van de kunstenaars ! Een lexicon van de Belgische beeldhouwkunst. van 1830 tot heden (2000) Franstalige editie ook verkrijgbaar ( 7 delen aan 350 euro)‎

‎MAITRES DU XIXe SIECLE ET DU XXe.‎

‎, Geneve, Cailler, 1954., Broche, couverture d' editeur illustre en couleur, 12,5x19cm, 327pp, illustre n/b.‎

‎Les problemes de l'art, vol. 1. bon etat,‎

‎DUNOYER DE SEGONZAC.‎

‎, Paris, Les Editions G. Cres & Cie., 1925., Broche, couverture originale, 19x26cm, 107pp, illustre royalment n/b.‎

‎Collection des cahiers d'aujourd'hui. Illustre avec 39 planches.‎

‎RAOUL DUFY.‎

‎, Paris, Fernand Hazan, s.d., Broche, couverture d'e diteur illustre en couleur, 11,5x18cm, s.p., illustre avec 24 reproductions hors - texte en couleur.‎

‎KUNST fur Konige, Malerei in Dresden im 18. Jahrhundert.‎

‎, Koln 2003., 28 x 24 cm. 320 S. mit 305 (160 farb.) Abb. Bibliografie, Biografien, Register. Fester Einband. Text in deutscher Sprache. ‎

‎Bestandskatalog, Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Mit Texten von T. Liebsch, H. Marx, G. Weber. ‎

‎CONSTANTIN GUYS. 1802 - 1892.‎

‎Paris, Editions Braun, 1949 Broche, sous jacquette originale d'editeur en couleurs, 16.2x12.1 cm., 60 planches en texte et hors-texte en n/b + bibliographie sommaire, edition francaise/english/deutsch.‎

‎Gandhi et Marx -‎

‎ introduction de Vinobâ - préface de Lanza del Vasto - traduit par F. Didier - Paris : Denoël (Coll. Pensée gandhienne), 1957- un volume (12x19 cm) broché sous couverture rempliée, 207 pages - bon état - exemplaire du service de presse, première édition de traduction - ‎

‎Pierre Bonnard - ‎

‎ étude critique par Claude Roger-Marx - Paris : Editions de La Nouvelles Revue Française (Coll. Les Peintres Français Nouveaux n°19), 1924 - petit in-12 (12x15,5 cm) broché sous couverture illustrée d'un portrait inédit de Pierre Bonnard gravé sur bois par Yvonne Mailliez, 63 pages - illustré de trente reproductions de peintures et dessins - notices biographiques et documentaires - bon état (petit manque de 0,5 cm au dos) - ‎

‎Herr Vogt. - [MARX' STRUGGLE AGAINST DEFAMATION ]‎

‎London, 1860. 8vo. Bound partly uncut with the original wrappers in a nice recent half calf pastiche binding with four rasied bands and gilt lettering to spine. Front wrapper with marginal repairs and back wrappers with repairs with minor loss of text. Light brownspotting to first and last leaves. A fine copy. VI, (2), (1)-191, (1, -errata) pp.‎

‎The rare first edition of Marx' landmark defense against defamation, a seminal work in his struggle for a new human society. Written in the midst of his writing of ""The Capital"", ""Herr Vogt"" constitutes the work that took precedence over this most important critique of political economy and the work that gives us one of the most profound insights into the mind of the great Marx. ""Herr Vogt"" is furthermore the work that we have to thank for the influence that ""The Capital"" and Marxist socialism did come to have upon our society. ""In 1857, Karl Marx resumed work on his critique of political economy, a process that culminated in the publication of ""Capital"" a decade later. He wrote a rough draft (the ""Grundrisse"") in 1857 and 1858, parts of which he then reworked into the ""Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy"", which was published in June 1859. Then, in 1861 through 1863, he wrote a revised draft of the whole of ""Capital"", which was followed by a more polished draft written during 1864 and 1865. Finally, he revised the first volume yet again, during 1866 and 1867. It appeared in September, 1867.The careful reader will have noticed a rather lengthy gap in this chronology. From the second half of 1859 through 1860, Marx was not working on his critique of political economy. What was he doing instead? What was so important, so much more of an urgent priority than his theoretical work?The answer is that Marx was fighting back against Carl Vogt's defamatory attack. He fought back in order to defend his reputation and that of his ""party."" ... "" Herr Vogt"", the book Marx wrote in order to set the record straight."" (Klimann, Marx' Struggle Against Defamation).Vogt was a prominent radical German politician and materialist philosopher who had immigrated to Switzerland, where he served in parliament and was also a professor of geology. His position on the 1859 war over Italian unification had a pro-French tilt, which resulted in the publication of a newspaper article and an anonymous pamphlet that alleged (correctly) that Vogt was being paid by the French government. Vogt believed Marx to be the source of the allegation and the author of the pamphlet.Vogt fought back by attacking Marx. He published a short book that described Marx as the leader of a band of blackmailers who demanded payment in return for keeping quiet about their victims' revolutionary histories. The book also contained a number of false and harmful allegations against Marx, and Vogt did everything in his power to destroy Marx' reputation. Not only did he attack Marx personally, he also falsified facts and made up untrue allegations to libel the Communist League, portraying its members as conspirators in secret contact with the police and accusing Marx of personal motives.There is no doubt that this work of slander put both Marx' own future as well as that of the Communist League at stake. ""Ferdinand Lassalle warned Marx that Vogt's book ""will do great harm to yourself and to the whole party, for it relies in a deceptive way upon half-truths,"" and said that ""something must be done"" in response (quoted in Rubel 1980, p. 53). Frederick Engels also urged Marx to respond quickly, and he provided a good deal of assistance when Marx wrote ""Herr Vogt""....Carl Vogt and the circumstances that gave rise to his defamatory attack against Marx and his ""party"" are dead and gone. But ""Herr Vogt"" and Marx's battle against defamation remain living exemplars of how one responds in a genuinely Marx-ian way-i.e., the way of Marx. Do not separate theory from practice, or philosophy from organization. Do not retreat to the ivory tower or suffer attacks in silence"" set the record straight. Use the bourgeois courts if necessary. Enlist the assistance of others."" (Klimann).""Marx's Herr Vogt, almost entirely unknown in the English-speaking world. It is nevertheless one of the most brilliant of his writings. Engels considered it better than the Eighteenth Brumaire"" Lassalle spoke of it as ""a masterpiece in every respect"""" Ryazanov thought that ""in all literature there is no equal to this book"""" Mehring rightly wrote of its ""being highly instructive even today""."" (Karl Marx on Herr Vogt - from The New International, Vol. X No. 8, August 1944, pp. 257-260. Transcribed & marked up by Einde O'Callaghan for ETOL).‎

‎The Civil War in France. Address of the General Council of the International Working-Men's Association. - [MARX' SEMINAL DEFENSE OF THE PARIS COMMUNE]‎

‎High Holborn, for the Council by Edward Truelove, 1871. Small 8vo. Near contemporary quarter cloth with silver lettering to front board. Binding with signs of use, but overall good. One closed marginal tear and title-page with a few brownspots, otherwise very nice and clean. 35 pp.‎

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‎Exceedingly rare first edition (with the names of Lucraft and Odger still present under ""The General Council"") of one of Marx' most important works, his seminal defense of the Paris Commune and exposition of the struggle of the Communards, written for all proletarians of the world. While living in London, Marx had joined the International Working Men's Association in 1864 - ""a society founded largely by members of Britain's growing trade unions and designed to foster international working class solidarity and mutual assistance. Marx accepted the International's invitation to represent Germany and became the most active member of its governing General Council, which met every Tuesday evening, first at 18 Greek Street in Soho and later in Holborn. In this role, Marx had his first sustained contact with the British working class and wrote some of his most memorable works, notably ""The Civil War in France"". A polemical response to the destruction of the Paris Commune by the French government in 1871, it brought Marx notoriety in London as 'the red terror doctor', a reputation that helped ensure the rejection of his application for British citizenship several years later. Despite his considerable influence within the International, it was never ideologically homogenous... (homas C. Jones: ""Karl Marx' London"").The work was highly controversial, but extremely influential. Even though most of the Council members of the International sanctioned the Address, it caused a rift internally, and some of the English members of the General Council were enraged to be seen to endorse it. Thus, for the second printing of the work, the names of Lucraft and Odger, who had now withdrawn from the Council, were removed from the list of members of ""The General Council"" at the end of the pamphlet. ""[Marx] defended the Commune in a bitterly eloquent pamphlet, ""The Civil War in France"", whose immediate effect was further to identify the International with the Commune, by then in such wide disrepute that some of the English members of the General Council refused to endorse it."" (Saul K. Padover, preface to Vol. II of the Karl Marx Library, pp. XLVII-XLVIII).""Written by Karl Marx as an address to the General Council of the International, with the aim of distributing to workers of all countries a clear understanding of the character and world-wide significance of the heroic struggle of the Communards and their historical experience to learn from. The book was widely circulated by 1872 it was translated into several languages and published throughout Europe and the United States."" (The Karl Marx Archive)Marx concluded ""The Civil War in France"" with these impassioned words, which were to resound with workers all over the world: ""Working men's Paris, with its Commune, will be forever celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a new society. Its martyrs are enshrined in the great heart of the working class. Its exterminators history has already nailed to that eternal pillory from which all the prayers of their priests will not avail to redeem them.""The address, which was delivered on May 30, 1871, two days after the defeat of the Paris Commune, was to have an astounding effect on working men all over the world and on the organization of power of the proletarians. It appeared in three editions in 1871, was almost immediately translated into numerous languages and is now considered one of the most important works that Marx ever wrote. "" ""The Civil War in France"", one of Marx's most important works, was written as an address by the General Council of the International to all Association members in Europe and the United States.From the earliest days of the Paris Commune Marx made a point of collecting and studying all available information about its activities. He made clippings from all available French, English and German newspapers of the time. Newspapers from Paris reached London with great difficulty. Marx had at his disposal only individual issues of Paris newspapers that supported the Commune. He had to use English and French bourgeois newspapers published in London, including ones of Bonapartist leanings, but succeeded in giving an objective picture of the developments in Paris. ...Marx also drew valuable information from the letters of active participants and prominent figures of the Paris Commune, such as Leo Frankel, Eugene Varlin, Auguste Serraillier, Yelisaveta Tornanovskaya, as well as from the letters of Paul Lafargue, Pyotr Lavrov and others.Originally he intended to write an address to the workers of Paris, as he declared at the meeting of the General Council on March 28, 1871. His motion was unanimously approved. The further developments in Paris led him, however, to the conclusion that an appeal should be addressed to proletarians of the world. At the General Council meeting on April 18, Marx suggested to issue ""an address to the International generally about the general tendency of the struggle."" Marx was entrusted with drafting the address. He started his work after April 18 and continued throughout May. Originally he wrote the First and Second drafts of ""The Civil War in France"" as preparatory variants for the work, and then set about making up the final text of the address.He did most of the work on the First and Second drafts and the final version roughly between May 6 and 30. On May 30, 1871, two days after the last barricade had fallen in Paris, the General Council unanimously approved the text of ""The Civil War in France"", which Marx had read out.""The Civil War in France"" was first published in London on about June 13, 1871 in English, as a pamphlet of 35 pages in 1,000 copies. Since the first edition quickly sold out, the second English edition of 2,000 copies was published at a lower price, for sale to workers. In this edition [i.e., MECW], Marx corrected some of the misprints occurring in the first edition, and the section ""Notes"" was supplemented with another document. Changes were made in the list of General Council members who signed the Address: the names of Lucraft and Odger were deleted, as they had expressed disagreement with the Address in the bourgeois press and had withdrawn from the General Council, and the names of the new members of the General Council were added. In August 1871, the third English edition of ""The Civil War in France"" came out, in which Marx eliminated the inaccuracies of the previous editions.In 1871-72, ""The Civil War"" in France was translated into French, German, Russian, Italian, Spanish, Dutch, Flemish, Serbo-Croat, Danish and Polish, and published in the periodical press and as separate pamphlets in various European countries and the USA. It was repeatedly published in subsequent years....In 1891, when preparing a jubilee German edition of ""The Civil War in France"" to mark the 20th anniversary of the Paris Commune, Engels once again edited the text of his translation. He also wrote an introduction to this edition, emphasising the historical significance of the experience of the Paris Commune, and its theoretical generalisation by Marx in ""The Civil War in France"", and also giving additional information on the activities of the Communards from among the Blanquists and Proudhonists. Engels included in this edition the First and Second addresses of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association on the Franco-Prussian war, which were published in subsequent editions in different languages also together with ""The Civil War France"". (Notes on the Publication of ""The Civil War in France"" from MECW Volume 22). Only very few copies of the book from 1871 on OCLC are not explicitly stated to be 2nd or 3rd editions, and we have not been able to find a single copy for sale at auctions within the last 50 years. ‎

‎Die heilige Familie oder Kritik der kritischen Kritik. Gegen Bruno Bauer & Consorten. - [THE COLLABORATION THAT WOULD CHANGE THE WORLD]‎

‎Frankfurt a. M., 1845. 8vo. Contemporary black half calf. Professionally rebacked. Title-page somewhat dusty and re-hinged. VIII, 335, (1) pp.‎

‎Incredibly scarce first edition of one the most significant political publications of the 19th century, the first joint work of Marx and Engels, leading to a life-long association that would change the world. ""The Holy Family"" is one of the most fundamental works in the history of communism and contains the first formulations of a number of fundamental theses of dialectical and historical materialism. For instance, it is here that the idea of mass/the people as the actual maker of the history of mankind is put forth for the first time and here that Marx shows that communism is the logical conclusion of materialistic philosophy.The work became incredibly influential and caused great uproar. Lenin claimed that it was this work that laid the foundations for scientific revolutionary materialist socialism.At the end of August, 1844, Engels passed through Paris,on his way to Manchester. It was here that he met Marx (then for the second time).Marx suggested that the two of them should write a critique of Young Hegelian trend of thought then very popular in academic circles. They decided to co-author the foreword and divided up the other sections between them. Engels had already finished his chapters before leaving Paris after 10 days. Marx had the larger share of work, which he completed by the end of November 1844.The general title, ""The Holy Family"", was added at the suggestion of the publisher Lowenthal, being a sarcastic reference to the Bauer brothers and their supporters."" ""The Holy Family, or Critique of Critical Critique. Against Bruno Bauer and Co."" is the first joint work of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. At the end of August 1844 Marx and Engels met in Paris and their meeting was the beginning of' their joint creative work in all fields of theoretical and practical revolutionary activity. By this time Marx and Engels had completed the transition from idealism to materialism and from revolutionary democratism to communism. The polemic The Holy Family was written in Paris in autumn 1844. It reflects the progress in the formation of Marx and Engels's revolutionary materialistic world outlook.In ""The Holy Family"" Marx and Engels give a devastating criticism of the subjectivist views of the Young Hegelians from the position of militant materialists. They, also criticize Hegel's own idealistic philosophy: giving credit for the rational element in his dialectics, they criticize the mystic side of it.The Holy Family formulates a number of fundamental theses of dialectical and historical materialism. In it Marx already approaches the basic idea of historical materialism - the decisive role of the mode of production in the development of society. Refuting the idealistic views of history which had dominated up to that time, Marx and Engels prove that of themselves progressive ideas can lead society only beyond the ideas of the old system and that ""in order to carry out ideas men are needed who dispose of a certain practical force."" (See p. 160 of the present edition.) The proposition put forward in the book that the mass, the people, is the real maker of the history of mankind is of paramount importance. Marx and Engels show that the wider and the more profound a change taking place in society is the more numerous Me mass effecting that change will Re Lenin especially stressed the importance of this thought and described it as one of the most profound and most important theses of historical materialism.The Holy Family contains the almost mature view of the historic role of the proletariat as the class which, by virtue of its position in capitalism, ""can and must free itself"" and at the same time abolish all the inhuman conditions of life of bourgeois society, for ""not in vain does"" the proletariat ""go through the stern but steeling school of labour. The question is not what this or that proletarian, or even the whole of the proletariat at the moment considers as its aim. The question is what the proletariat is, and what, consequent on that being, it will be compelled to do."" (pp. 52-53.)A section of great importance is ""Critical Battle against French Materialism"" in which Marx, briefly outlining the development of materialism in West-European philosophy, shows that communism is the logical conclusion of materialistic philosophy.The Holy Family was written largely under the influence of the materialistic views of Ludwig Feuerbach, who was, responsible to a great extent for Marx's and Engels's transition from idealism to materialism"" the work also contains elements of the criticism of Feuerbach's metaphysical and contemplative materialism given by Marx in spring 1845 in his Theses on Feuerbach. Engels later defined the place of The Holy Family in the history of Marxism when he wrote: ""The cult of abstract man, which formed the kernel of Feuerbach's new religion, had to be replaced by the science of real men and of their historical development. This further development of Feuerbach's standpoint beyond Feuerbach was inaugurated by Marx in 1845 in The Holy Family."" (F. Engels, Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy.)The Holy Family formulates some of the basic principles of Marxist political economy. In contrast to the Utopian Socialists Marx bases the objective inevitability of the victory of communism on the fact that private property in its economic motion drives itself towards its downfall.The Holy Family dates from a period when the process of the formation of Marxism was not yet completed. This is reflected in the terminology used by Marx and Engels. Marxist scientific terminology was gradually elaborated and defined by Marx and Engels as the formation and development of their teaching progressed."" (Introduction to the work by Foreign Languages Publishers)""The book made something of a splash in the newspapers. One paper noted, that it expressed socialist views since it criticised the ""inadequacy of any half-measures directed at eliminating the social ailments of our time."" The conservative press immediately recognized the radical elements inherent in its many arguments. One paper wrote that, in The Holy Family, ""every line preaches revolt... against the state, the church, the family, legality, religion and property."" It also noted that ""prominence is given to the most radical and the most open communism, and this is all the more dangerous as Mr. Marx cannot be denied either extremely broad knowledge or the ability to make use of the polemical arsenal of Hegel's logic, what is customarily called 'iron logic.'Lenin would later claim this work laid the foundations for what would develop into a scientific revolutionary materialist socialism."" (Marx Archive).‎

‎Anekdota zur neuesten deutschen Philosophie und Publicistik von Bruno Bauer, Ludwig Feuerbach, Friedrich Köppen, Karl Nauwerk, Arnold Ruge und einigen Ungenannten. 2 bde. [(Marx): Bemerkungen über die neueste preußische Censurinstruction. Von einem Rh... - [DEFINING THE ESSENCE OF REASON AS FREEDOM - MARX' DEBUT ARTICLE]‎

‎Zürich & Winterthur, Literarischen Comptoirs, 1843. 8vo. Bound in one nice later half calf binding in contemporary style with gilt title and blindstamped ornamentation to spine. Faded inscription of ""Eigenthus des Literar. Museum"" to both title-pages and last leaf of bot volumes. Stamps of the same Litarary Museum to volume 1, at both title-page, last leaf and a few leaves inbetween. Neat pencil annotations to a few leaves of volume 1. Neatly washed and with a few tiny closed tears to second gathering. A small spot to lower blank margin of pp. 195-8 of vol. 1. Contents generally clean and crisp. All in all a evry nice copy. IV, 320 + IV, 288 pp. [Marx' paper: Vol. I, pp. 56-88].‎

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‎Extremely scarce first edition of this two-volume periodical, which contains the first printing of Marx' first newspaper article, being the first political article written by Marx for publication, namely his ""Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction"". This important debut work, which constitutes the foundation of Marxian dialectic and his formulation of Critical Hegelianism, was written between January 15 and February 10, 1842, but due to censorship restrictions, it first appeared here, in Ruge's ""Anekdota"", in Switzerland in 1843, to avoid German censorship. ""The young Marx and the young Engels ridiculed the Prussian Censorship Law of 1841. The attack of the young Mark, ""Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction,"" was written in 1842 but published a year later in Ruge's ""Anekdota"".""Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction"" is an early exercise by the young Marx in the application of the categories of Hegelian critique. In this essay, the young Marx employed the Hegelian modalities of substance and essence to demonstrate the authoritarian nature of the Prussian Censorship Instruction. The young Marx utilized the concepts of substance and essence in the defence of free press. ""Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction"" defines the essence of a free press as free mind, or the essence of reason as freedom. The young Marx argues that it was impossible for reason to act in accordance with its essence unless it was totally free, because without absolute freedom, reason cannot follow its own insights to their logical conclusion. Consequently, when the Prussian Censorship Instruction limits the freedom of reason, when it sets boundaries beyond which reason cannot go, the Prussian Government annihilates the essence of reason. The strategy of the young Marx is his essay is to adopt Hegelian logic in the cause of liberalism. He wished to show how Hegelian categories could be adjusted, could be transformed into weapons in the cause of political reform. In this essay, the young Marx proved two things, that he interpreted Hegel as a critical Hegelian and that he himself continued this Critical Hegelian tradition. In 1842, the young Marx explored, experimented with the use of Hegelian categories, essence, and appearance as devices by which to advance the cause of political progressivism, and this was the meaning of Critical Hegelianism in the generation of Gans."" (Norman Levine: Divergent Paths: Hegel in Marxism and Engelsism, pp. 142-43).""Karl's [i.e. Marx] politics had closely followed those of Ruge ever since the end of the 1830s. In 1842 and 1843, their responses to immediate events, not least the ""frivolous diatribes of the ""Free"", had remained very close. An established author, and in the possession of independent means, ""Papa Ruge"" - as Jenny called him - was clearly the senior partner in this collaboration. The banning of the ""Deutsche Jahrbücher"" in January 1843 as the result of Prussian pressure, together with the suppression of the ""Rheinische Zeitung"", meant the effective silencing of Young Hegelianism within Germany. The aim of the criticism, as it was applied among Young Hegelians, was to highlight the gap between the demands of reason and the behavior of the government, but its failure to make any significant headway against the Prussia of Friedrich Wilhelm IV had also pushed them both towards an open criticism of Hegel's political philosophy. (Gareth Steadman Jones: Karl Marx, Greatness and Illusion, p. 142).Although another anonymous essay ""Luther als Schiedsrichter zwischen Strauß und Feuerbach"" (Vol. II, pp. 206-208) has long been attributed to Marx, the preface to MECW I now states that ""recent research has proved that it was not written by Marx (Draper, register, p. 58). The piece might be by Feuerbach himself.‎

‎Kapital. Kritika politicheskoj ekonomii. Perevod c nmetskago. Tom pervoej. Kniga I. Protschess proizvodstva Kapitala. (Russian, = The Capital. Critique of the Political Economy. Translated from German. Volume One. Book I [all].). - [FIRST TRANSLATION INTO ANY LANGUAGE OF ""THE BIBLE OF MARXISM""]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, N.I. Poliakov, 1872. Large 8vo. In a nice recent half calf binding with gilt lettering to spine and five raised bands. First few leaves with light soling and a closed tear and a few marginal repairs to title-page. pp. 11-18 with repairs to upper outer corner. Closed tears to last leaf, otherwise a fine copy. XIII, (3), 678 pp. (wanting the half-title).‎

‎First Russian edition (first issue, with the issue-pointers), being the first translation into any language, of Marx' immensely influential main work, probably the greatest revolutionary work of the nineteenth century.Marx' groundbreaking ""Das Kapital"" originally appeared in German in 1867, and only the first part of the work appeared in Marx' lifetime. The very first foreign translation of the work was that into Russian, which, considering Russian censorship at the time, would seem a very unlikely event. But as it happened, ""Das Kapital"" actually came to enjoy greater renown in Russia than in any other country"" for many varying reasons, it won a warm reception in many political quarters in Russia, and it enjoyed a totally unexpected rapid and widespread success. The first Russian translation of ""Das Kapital"" came to have a profound influence the economic development of of Russia. It was frequently quoted in the most important economic and political discussions on how to industrialize Russia and the essential points of the work were seen by many as the essential questions for an industrializing Russia. "" ""Das Kapital"" arrived in Russia just at the moment that the Russian economy was recovering from the slump that followed Emancipation and was beginning to assume capitalist characteristics. Industrialization raised in the minds of the intelligentsia the question of their country's economic destiny. And it was precisely this concern that drew Mikhailovsky and many of the ""intelligenty"" to ""Das Kapital""."" (Resis, p. 232).The story of how the first printing of the first translation of ""Das Kapital"" came about, is quite unexpected. As the ""triumph of Marxism in backward Russia is commonly regarded as a historical anomaly"" (Resis, p. 221), so is the triumph of the first Russian edition of ""Das Kapital"". The main credit for the coming to be of the translation of ""Das Kapital"" must be given to Nicolai Danielson, later a highly important economist in his own right. The idea came from a circle of revolutionary youths in St. Petersburg, including N.F. Danielson, G.A. Lopatin, M.F. Negreskul, and N.N. Liubavin, all four of whom participated in the project. Danielson had read the work shortly after its publication and it had made such an impact on him that he decided to make it available to the Russian reading public. He persuaded N.I. Poliakov to run the risk of publishing it. ""Poliakov, the publisher, specialized in publishing authors, Russian and foreign, considered dangerous by the authorities. Poliakov also frequently subsidized revolutionaries by commissioning them to do translations for his publishing house. Diffusion of advanced ideas rather than profit was no doubt his primary motive in publishing the book."" (Resis, p. 222). Owing to Danielson's initiative, Poliakov engaged first Bakunin, and then Lopatin to do the translation. Danielson himself finished the translation and saw the work through press. It was undeniably his leadership that brought Marx to the Russian reading public. In fact, with the first Russian edition of ""Das Kapital"", Danielson was responsible for the first public success of the revolutionizing work. ""Few scholars today would deny that ""Das Kapital"" has had an enormous effect on history in the past hundred years. Nonetheless, when the book was published in Hamburg on September 5, 1867, it made scarcely a stir, except among German revolutionaries. Marx complained that his work was greeted by ""a conspiracy of silence"" on the part of ""a pack of liberals and vulgar economists."" However desperately he contrived to provoke established economists to take up ""Das Kapital""'s challenge to their work, his efforts came to nought. But in October 1868 Marx received good news from an unexpected source. From Nikolai Frantsevich Danielson, a young economist employed by the St. Petersburg Mutual Credit Society, came a letter informing Marx that N. P. Poliakov, a publisher of that city, desired to publish a Russian translation of the first volume of ""Das Kapital""" moreover, he also wanted to publish the forthcoming second volume. Danielson, the publisher's representative, requested that Marx send him the proofs of volume 2 as they came off the press so that Poliakov could publish both volumes simultaneously. Marx replied immediately. The publication of a Russian edition of volume 1, he wrote, should not be held up, because the completion of volume 2 might be delayed by some six months [in fact, it did not appear in Marx' life-time and was only published ab. 17 years later, in 1885]" and in any case volume 1 represented an independent whole. Danielson proceeded at once to set the project in motion. Nearly four years passed, however, before a Russian translation appeared. Indeed, a year passed before the translation was even begun, and four translators tried their hand at it before Danielson was able to send the manuscript to the printers in late December 1871."" (Resis, pp. 221-22). This explains how the book came to be translated, but how did this main work of revolutionary thought escape the rigid Russian censors? ""By an odd quirk of history the first foreign translation of ""Das Kapital"" to appear was the Russian, which Petersburgers found in their bookshops early in April 1872. Giving his imprimatur, the censor, one Skuratov, had written ""few people in Russia will read it, and still fewer will understand it."" He was wrong: the edition of three thousand sold out quickly"" and in 1880 Marx was writing to his friend F.A. Sorge that ""our success is still greater in Russia, where ""Kapital"" is read and appreciated more than anywhere else."" (PMM 359, p.218). Astonishingly, Within six weeks of the publication date, nine hundred copies of the edition of three thousand had already been sold.""Under the new laws on the press, ""Das Kapital"" could have been proscribed on any number of grounds. The Temporary Rules held, for example, that censorship must not permit publication of works that ""expound the harmful doctrines of socialism or communism"" or works that ""rouse enmity and hatred of one class for another."" The Board of Censors of Foreign Publications was specifically instructed to prohibit importation of works contrary to the tenets of the Orthodox Church or works that led to atheism, materialism, or disrespect for Scriptures. Nor did the recent fate of the works of Marx and Engels at the hands of the censors offer much hope that ""Das Kapital"" would pass censorship. As recently as August 11, the censors of foreign works had decided to ban importation of Engels' ""Die Lage der arbeitenden Klassen in England"", and, according to Lopatin, the censors reprimanded Poliakov for daring to run announcements on book jackets of the forthcoming publication of ""Das Kapital"". By 1872 the censors had prohibited the importation and circulation of all works by Marx and Engels except one - ""Das Kapital"". The book, as we shall see, had already won some recognition in Russia shortly after its publication in Germany. Not until 1871, however, did the censors render a judgment on the book, when the Central Committee of Censors of Foreign Publications, on the recommendation of its reader, permitted importation and circulation of the book both in the original language and in translation. The official reader had described the book as ""a difficult, inaccessible, strictly scientific work,"" implying that it could scarcely pose a danger to the state. [...] The length and complexity of the book prompted the office to divide the task of scrutinizing it between two readers, D. Skuratov, who read the first half of the book, and A. De-Roberti, who read the last half. Skuratov dutifully listed objectionable socialist and antireligious passages, taking special note of Marx's harsh attack on the land reforms General Kiselev had instituted in the Danubian Principalities. But in his report Skuratov dismissed these attacks as harmless, since they were imbedded in a ""colossal mass of abstruse, somewhat obscure politico-economic argumentation."" Indeed, he regarded the work as its own best antidote to sedition. ""It can be confidently stated,"" he wrote, ""that in Russia few will read it and even fewer will understand it."" Second, he said, the book could do little harm. Since the book attacked a system rather than individual persons, Skuratov implied that the book would not incite acts threatening the safety of the royal family and government officials. Third, he believed that the argument of the book did not apply to Russia. Marx attacked the unbridled competition practiced in the British factory system, and such attacks, Skuratov asserted, could find no target in Russia because the tsarist regime did not pursue a policy of laissez faire. Indeed, at that very moment, Skuratov stated, a special commission had drafted a plan that ""as zealously protects the workers' well-being from abuses on the part of the employers as it protects the employers' interests against lack of discipline and nonfulfillment of obligations on the part of the workers."" Repeating most of Skuratov's views, De-Roberti also noted that the book contained a good account of the impact of the factory system and the system of unpaid labor time that prevailed in the West. In spite of the obvious socialist tendency of the book, he concluded, a court case could scarcely be made against it, because the censors of foreign works had already agreed to permit importation and circulation of the German edition. With the last barrier removed, on March 27, 1872, the Russian translation of ""Das Kapital"" went on sale in the Russian Empire. The publisher, translators, and advocates of the book had persevered in the project for nearly four years until they were finally able to bring the book to the Russian reading public."" (Resis, pp. 220-22). The Russian authorities quickly realized, however, that Skuratov's statement could not have been more wrong, and the planned second edition of the Russian translation was forbidden"" thus it came to be published in New York, in 1890. That second edition is nearly identical to the first, which can be distinguished by the misplaced comma opposite ""p. 73"" in the table of contents (replaced by a full stop in the 2nd ed.) and the ""e"" at the end of l. 40 on p. 65 (replaced by a ""c"" in the 2nd ed.). A third edition, translated from the fourth German edition, appeared in 1898. Volumes 2 and 3 of ""Das Kapital"" appeared in Russian translation, also by Danielson, in 1885 and 1896.See: Albert Resis, Das Kapital Comes to Russia, in: Slavic Review, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Jun., 1970), pp. 219-237.‎

‎El Capital. Resumido y acompanado de un estudio sobre el socialismo científico por Gabriel Deville. Primera edición [Marx / Deville] (+) Socialismo Utopico y Socialismo Cientifico [Engels] (+) La Ley de Los Salarios y Sus Consecuencias [Guesde]. - [FIRST SPANISH EDITION OF THE MOST IMPORTANT ABRIDGED VERSION OF ""THE CAPITAL""]‎

‎Madrid, Ricardo Fé, 1887. 8vo. Contemporary brown half calf with gilt lettering and ornamentation to spine and red paper covered boards. Most leaves evenly browned (due to the quality of the paper) and some brownspotting to last few leaves. Overall a very good copy indeed of this otherwise fragile book. [Socialismo Utopico... :] pp. (1)-91, (1) + frontispiece of Engels" [La Ley de Los Salarios... :] pp. (1)-44 + frontiespiece of Guesde" [El Capital:] pp. (I)-LVI, 263 pp.‎

‎The exceedingly scarce first Spanish edition of the most important abridged version of Marx's Capital ever to have appeared, published in the same year as what is generally accepted as the first Spanish edition of ""Das Kapital"" (Zafrilla's abridged version - defectively translated from Roy's French version - which was published in newspaper installments 1886-87).This Spanish translation was made from the French of Gabriel Deville (1854 -1940), the great French socialist theoretician, politician and diplomat, who did more than almost anyone else to raise awareness of Karl Marx's theories of the weaknesses of capitalism - most effectively through the present work, which came to have a profound influence upon the spreading of Marxist thought throughout the Spanish speaking part of the world. ""The epitome, here translated, was published in Paris, in 1883, by Gabriel Deville, possibly the most brilliant writer among the French Marxians. It is the most successful attempt yet made to popularize Marx's scientific economics. It is by no means free from difficulties, for the subject is essentially a complex and difficult subject, but there are no difficulties that reasonable attention and patience will not enable the average reader to overcome. There is no attempt at originality. The very words in most cases are Marx's own words, and Capital is followed so closely that the first twenty-five chapters correspond in subject and treatment with the first twenty-five chapters of Capital. Chapter XXVI corresponds in the main with Chapter XXVI of Capital, but also contains portions of chapter XXX. The last three chapters-XXVII, XXVIII, and XXIX-correspond to the last three chapters-XXXI, XXXII, and XXXIII-of Capital."" (ROBERT RIVES LA MONTE, Intruductory Note to the 1899 English translation).The Spanish translator of the work is Antonio Atienza, a typographer and translator at the press of Ricardo Fé, who in 1886 volunteered his work at the newly founded ""El Socialista"", the Spanish flagship publication of Marxist socialism. It was also in 1886 that Atienza translated the present work, with the publication following in 1887. This translation happened almost simultaneously with the ""translation"" by Zafrilla, which appeared in weekly installments in the rival newspaper ""La Républica"", and the two first versions of ""Das Kapital"" to appear in Spanish tell the story of more than just the desire to spread Marx's ideas in Spain. Both versions were part of an ongoing struggle between political parties vying for the loyalty of Spain's workers (see more below). THE WORK IS OF THE UTMOST SCARCITY, WITH MERELY THREE COPIES LISTED ON OCLC (two in Bristish Library and one in Bibliothèque Nationale) and none at auction over the last 40 years at least.Backgrund for the publication:Among the numerous nascent political organizations that sprouted in the last half of 19th century Spain, many of them as a result to the tumultuous years after the so-called ""Glorious Revolution"" of 1868, was the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE). The party was founded by Pablo Iglesias in 1879, and it was the second socialist party in Europe, preceded only by the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD). Notably, of the original twenty-five founding members sixteen were typographers. March of 1886 was a turning point for the PSOE, as they began to publish a weekly newspaper, ""El Socialista"", in order to reach a wider audience throughout Spain and thus advance the Marxist socialist agenda, of which the paper became the flagship. (To this day, it is the official paper of the PSOE, the present ruling party in Spain, although it was suppressed during the years of Franco's dictatorial regime and published sporadically in exile, in France, or clandestinely in Spain. It was again published regularly since 1978. The PSOE gave up Marxism in 1979 in favor of Democratic Socialism.)In 1886 the translator of the present work, Antonio Atienza, was a typographer and translator at the press of Ricardo Fé. At the same time, he volunteered his work at the newly founded El Socialista, as the PSOE funds were quite limited-he wouldn't have a paid position in the paper until 1913. He translated articles by Engels, Guesde, and Buechner, among others.""Das Kapital"" had been published twenty years earlier. That it took so long to reach Spain in book form reveals, among other things, that up to that moment most of Marx's thoughts had filtered through to the workers' unions and parties by way of the writings of his followers as they were interpreted and explained by the intellectuals in charge of these organizations. It is also evident that the complexity of the book wouldn't be of much use to the average worker, factory and otherwise. Enter Deville's abridged version, which was more accessible in that some of the most basic ideas of Marx were digested and re-explained. The point was not to publish a book that could only be only be understood by economists and philosophers, but one that could be given to the workers. A rival party leftist party, considered by the PSOE as bourgeois, was the Partido Republicano Federal. One of its members, Pablo Correa y Zafrilla, undertook the task of translating the first volume of Das ""Kapital"". Quite usual for Spain at the time, the translation was published in weekly instalments to subscribers of their newspaper, ""La República"", starting in 1886 and ending in 1887. The paper then sold the cloth binding to its subscribers and offered to collect the installments to have the book bound for its customers. According to the ad in ""La República"" (22/1/1886), the translation is purportedly from the German original, but it has been clearly demonstrated that it is a defective translation from the French translation of Roy (Ribas). It seems very plausible that when the PSOE found out that someone else in Spain was beginning to publish a translation of the first volume of ""Das Kapital"", El Socialista decided to publish Deville's translation. In fact, the publication of El Capital by ""La República"" was briefly mentioned once in ""El Socialista"", and not in flattering terms (7/10/1887). That a Marxist newspaper disparaged against the first Spanish publication of ""Das Kapital"" reveals, among other things, that they were not terribly excited about some other party's publication producing a defective rendering of their guiding principles. On the other hand, that ""La República"" had decided to publish the book was probably brought about by the foundation of ""El Socialista"", as they saw that the PSOE now had the means to spread their ideas throughout the country. It is in no small way possible that the haste to publish the book brought about the many defects in the translation from the French of Roy as Correa hurried to finish it.José Mesa y Leompart, a typographer, translator, and Marxist ideologue and activist, had experienced the upheavals of the Commune of Paris during his exile after the 1868 revolution. He developed a friendship with Marx's son in law, Paul Lafargue, and his wife, Laura Marx-who themselves had been in exile in Spain during 1871-72-, as well as with Engels, with whom he shared much correspondence, and many other figures of the Marxist movement. He also met both Marx and Engels during their exile in London. His friendship with Pablo Iglesias was a major driving force behind the formation of the PSOE, and he collaborated with El Socialista both as a writer and as a financial supporter. Mesa writes to Engels in April of 1887 lamenting that some Spanish thinkers were using Marx's theories and the policies of the German Socialist Party to deny the concept of class struggle, despite the fact that ""we have […] proven to them that you and Marx have always said the opposite, and having quoted to them the very clear statements of the German Socialist Party"" [but] they remain unmovable, and at some point they even wanted to publish the abridged Capital by Deville, without the preface, and with notes interpreting the meaning in their own way-which we have impeded-(the Resumen [abridgement] of Deville will soon be published, faithfully translated into Spanish.""Therefore, as early as April of 1887 the present translation was already in progress, and in fact, according to Mesa, soon to be published, so it was apparently very advanced. It is then quite possible that Antonio Atienza was commissioned to translate the Deville's abridgement a few months earlier, and not unlikely as far as 1886, when ""La República"" was still publishing installments of the Correa translation. The PSOE is obviously trying to obscure and minimize Correa's translation by publishing the Deville book, as the task of translating ""Das Kapital"" from the original would be lengthy and costly, and it would have come out too late to ascertain their political hold on Marx's ideas. This translation of Deville, then, sees the light is in the very midst of the bickering between leftist parties, and is in fact a product of the confrontations between leftist ideologies. It was finally published about nine months after Mesa's letter to Engels. The first announcement in ""El Socialista"" appears in their November 11th, 1887 issue. The price is four pesetas, or about the cost of an entire year's subscription to the paper, although subscribers could purchase it at half price. Still, given that many subscribers were workers of scarce means, less than three hundred copies were sent out to the main Spanish cities, and that the total edition was probably about a thousand copies at most.The scarcity of this book can be underlined if one considers the virulent war that was waged against all socialist and Marxist literature during and after the Spanish Civil War by the dictatorial regime of Francisco Franco. Book purges and burnings were considerable throughout Spain since the onset of the war, in 1936. It is not that books were burnt sporadically and occasionally, but rather they were destroyed in a systematic and terrifyingly efficient manner. As early as September of 1936 official orders were given to all civil governors, mayors, school inspectors in the nationalist areas to purge all ""harmful"" books, such as pornography and books of a communist or Marxist content. Teachers, librarians, and private citizens, often purged their own libraries, public or personal, of such works in order to comply with the official orders. Countless people were summarily executed for owning certain books that revealed their political tendencies. Obviously, owning actual edition of a book by Marx was reason enough to be deemed guilty and likely executed. As the war advanced, many other such official orders were issued, and unfathomable numbers of books were burnt. To this is added that many libraries were burnt down during the bombardments that took place throughout the country, and that all the libraries of the leftist parties were systematically destroyed. The end of the war, in 1939, only made it official throughout the entire country that communist and socialist literature was banned. So even the few copies that might have survived the fires and the purges were surely disposed of by their owners. It is no small wonder that this particular copy did manage to survive.Withbound in the present volume is the first Spanish translation of Engels' ""Socialism: Utopian and Scientific"" and Jules Guesde's work on the Law of Wages. See:Ribas, Pedro. ""La primera traducción castellana de El capital, 1886 - 1887"", in Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos, Madrid, junio de 1985, pp. 201-210.Castillo, Santiago. ""Marxismo y socialismo en el siglo XIX español"", in, Movimiento sociales y estado en la España contemporánea, Manuel Ortiz et al (coord.), Universidad de Castila-La Mancha, 2001Boza Puerta, Mariano, and Sánchez Herrador, Miguel Ángel. ""El martirio de los libros: una aproximación a la destrucción bibliográfica durante la Guerra Civil."" In Boletín de la Asociación Andaluza de Bibliotecarios. Año nº 22, Nº 86-87, 2007, págs. 79-96Tur, Francesc. https://serhistorico.net/2018/04/04/el-bibliocausto-en-la-espana-de-franco-1936-1939/‎

‎Le Capital‎

‎Librairie du Progrès - Directeur Maurice Lachatre & Cie | Paris s. d. [1875] | 19.50 x 28 cm | relié‎

‎Edition originale française en premier tirage, traduite par Joseph Roy, en partie inédite car entièrement révisée et enrichie par Karl Marx. Bien complet des deux pages de titre à l'adresse de Lachatre, du portrait de Karl Marx en frontispice, du fac-similé de sa lettre à l'éditeur, et de la réponse de celui-ci au verso, qui sera supprimée des tirages suivants. Modeste reliure de l'époque en demi percaline bronze, dos lisse, titre et filets dorés, reliure signée d'une vignette en pied du contreplat, "Buchbinderei Schey & Co, Zürich". * Cette première version française parue en livraisons entre 1872 et 1875, mais ne rencontra aucun succès, comme en témoigne l'éditeur dans une lettre à Marx le 24 décembre 1873 : « La vente est nulle sur votre livre (...). Le tirage se fait à 1100 exemplaires, presque tous au magasin ». Les cahiers invendus furent en partie assemblés et proposés en volumes brochés et reliés au début 1876. Mais le livre peine achevé, les libraires en sabotaient la diffusion. En juin 1879, La Châtre écrit à Marx: «Il reste encore trois cents exemplaires des dernières livraisons qui avaient été tirées à mille. On aurait donc vendu seulement 600 ou 700 exemplaires dans une période de six ans. C'est un bien triste résultat ... » Ce fut une déception majeure pour Karl Marx qui s'était particulièrement investi dans cette édition française, la seule traduction dont il ait assuré la révision, et la dernière de son vivant. Karl Marx: «désirait intervenir avec Le Capital dans les débats théoriques et politiques français, fortement marqués par l'héritage de Proudhon, dans un pays où l'Internationale était plus concrètement organisée que partout ailleurs et dont la capitale s'était « mise en Commune ». Le Capital, en France, c'était en quelque sorte l'épilogue d'un long débat théorique et politique commencé en langue française vingt années plus tôt avec la première polémique contre Proudhon. (...)Marx mena de front en 1872 la correction et révision de la traduction de Joseph Roy et le remaniement de la première édition allemande en vue de la deuxième édition chez l'éditeur Meissner. Ce double travail, dont les deux lignes s'entrecroisent en permanence, est en partie la cause des nombreuses différences qui subsistent entre les textes allemands de la 2e édition (et même des éditions ultérieures) et la version française que Marx remaniait parallèlement et séparément. A chaque phase du processus (préparation du texte de départ pour Roy, correction des épreuves pour Meissner, correction de la traduction envoyée par Roy, correction des épreuves envoyées par l'imprimeur), Marx introduisait des changements, au grand désespoir des imprimeurs. Chez beaucoup d'auteurs, cette division du travail en phases différentes aboutirait à un grand nombre de variantes brèves. Chez Marx, elle encourageait une tendance qui n'avait pas besoin d'être encouragée, la tendance à la réécriture perpétuelle, au palimpseste. » (Jean-Pierre Lefebvre, introduction à la réédition du Capital en 1983 aux Editions Sociales). Le 28 avril 1875, Karl Marx ajoute à un avis au lecteur qui paraitra dans la dernière livraison, page 348, précisant son investissement dans cette version française et son importance dans l'uvre du philosophe: «[La scrupuleuse traduction de M. J. Roy m'a] obligé à modifier la rédaction, dans le but de la rendre plus accessible au lecteur. Ces remaniements faits au jour le jour, puisque le livre se publiait par livraison, on été exécutés avec une attention inégale et ont dû produire des discordances de style. Ayant une fois entrepris ce travail de révision, j'ai été conduit à l'appliquer aussi au fond du texte original (la seconde édition allemande), à simplifier quelques développements, à en compléter d'autres, à donner des matériaux historiques ou statistiques additionnels, à ajouter des aperçus critiques, etc. Quelles que soient donc les imperfections littéraires de cette édition française, elle possède une valeur scientifique ‎

‎Der 18the Brumaire des Louis Napoleon [in: Die Revolution, eine Zeitschrift in zwanglosen Heften. Herausgegeben von J. Weydemeyer. Erstes Heft]. - [THE MOST IMPORTANT PROPOSITIONS IN THE MARXIST TEACHING ON THE STATE]‎

‎New-York, 1852. Bound in a later (ab. 1900) red full cloth binding with silver lettering to front board. A bit of wear to capitals, corners, and extremities. Front free end-paper with small repairs and strengthening. A couple of closed tears to blank outer margin of title-page (no loss and not affecting printing)Inner blank margins of the first few leaves strengthened (far from affecting text). Occasionally a few marginal notes. and underlinings. A near contemporary notice in Russian about the work has been inserted between the title-page and the preface. All in all a good copy with no major flaws. IV, (4), 62 pp.‎

‎The exceedingly scarce first edition of one of the absolutely most important writings by Marx - his seminal essay on the French coup of 1851, which not only constitutes our principal source for the understanding of Marx' theory of the Capitalist state (together with ""The Civil War in France""), but which is also the work in which Marx formulates for the first time his view of the role of the individual in history.""This work (i.e. ""The Eighteenth Brumaire""), written on the basis of a concrete analysis of the revolutionary events in France from 1848 to 1851, is one of the most important Marxist writings. In it Marx gives a further elaboration of all the basic tenets of historical materialism - the theory of the class struggle and proletarian revolution, the state and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Of extremely great importance is the conclusion which Marx arrived at on the question of the attitude of the proletariat to the bourgeois state. He says, - ""All revolutions perfected this machine instead of smashing it."". Lenin described it as one of the most important propositions in the Marxist teaching on the state. In The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte Marx continued his analysis of the question of the peasantry, as a potential ally of the working class in the imminent revolution, outlined the role of the political parties in the life of society and exposed for what they were the essential features of Bonapartism."" (note 1 in the Preface to the Third German Edition (Engels, 1885) ).""The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon"" was written between December 1851 and March 1852 and originally published - as it is here - in 1852 in ""Die Revolution"", a German monthly magazine established by Joseph Weydemeyer and published in New York. In this cornerstone of modern political thought, Marx discusses the French coup of 1851 in which Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte assumed dictatorial powers and does so by treating actual historical events from the viewpoint of his materialist conception of history.Marx states that his purpose with the work is to ""demonstrate how the class struggle in France created circumstances and relationships that made it possible for a grotesque mediocrity to play a hero's part"" (preface to the second edition, 1869), and he famously formulates his view of the role of the individual in history (""Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please"" they do not make it under self-selected circumstances, but under circumstances existing already, given and transmitted from the past"").If one wants to understand Marx' views on the capitalist state, ""The 18th Brumaire"" is absolutely essential, as it is to the understanding of the nature, the rise, and the meaning of fascism. Among Marxist scholars, there's wide consensus about regarding Louis Bonaparte's coup and rise to power as a forerunner of the fascism that is to emerge the 20th century. In the words of Engels: ""The fact that a new edition of ""The Eighteenth Brumaire"" has become necessary, thirty-three years after its first appearance, proves that even today this little book has lost none of its value. It was in truth a work of genius. Immediately after the event that struck the whole political world like a thunderbolt from the blue, that was condemned by some with loud cries of moral indignation and accepted by others as salvation from the revolution and as punishment for its errors, but was only wondered at by all and understood by none-immediately after this event Marx came out with a concise, epigrammatic exposition that laid bare the whole course of French history since the February days in its inner interconnection, reduced the miracle of December 2 to a natural, necessary result of this interconnection and in so doing did not even need to treat the hero of the coup d'état otherwise than with the contempt he so well deserved. And the picture was drawn with such a master hand that every fresh disclosure since made has only provided fresh proofs of how faithfully it reflected reality. This eminent understanding of the living history of the day, this clear-sighted appreciation of events at the moment of happening, is indeed without parallel. ...In addition, however, there was still another circumstance. It was precisely Marx who had first discovered the great law of motion of history, the law according to which all historical struggles, whether they proceed in the political, religious, philosophical or some other ideological domain, are in fact only the more or less clear expression of struggles of social classes, and that the existence and thereby the collisions, too, between these classes are in turn conditioned by the degree of development of their economic position, by the mode of their production and of their exchange determined by it. This law, which has the same significance for history as the law of the transformation of energy has for natural science - this law gave him here, too, the key to an understanding of the history of the Second French Republic. He put his law to the test on these historical events, and even after thirty-three years we must still say that it has stood the test brilliantly."" (Preface to the Third German Edition (Engels, 1885)).The work is incredibly scarce. OCLC lists no more than two copies in libraries world-wide: One in the USA: University of Wisconsin, one in France: Bibliothèque Nationale. We have not been able to locate a single copy at auction over the last 60 years.‎

‎Uma poética da modernidade. A Poetic of Modernity‎

‎Minas Geraes, Editora Itaminas, 1989. Large oblong quarto, 318 x 328 mm, 201 pp. Autograph dedication from Burle Marx. Bound in full orange-brown publisher's cloth with a taupe dust jacket with flaps. The landscaper's name is in large type, and his name is in Portuguese in small, clear type on the front cover, with orange endpapers. Signed by Burle Marx in blue pen on the title page: "Para Diogenes, toda ternura e amizade, do Roberto / Rio 6-1-1990" (For Diogenes, with tenderness and friendship, Roberto, in Rio de Janeiro on January 6, 1990). Printed on coated paper, headbands. Written in English and Portuguese, this book focuses on Burle Marx's work as a painter. Each painting is represented in color with captions in both languages. With the following texts: "A Planetary Modernist", "Ode for Roberto Burle Marx", "A Poetic of Modernity", "Roberto Burle Marx as a Painter", "Comments on his Artistic Work", "Chronology of Life and Work". An unusual book with a beautiful dedication. A retrospective of one of Brazil's most famous artists, particularly for his landscapes. Today, the São Paulo park that bears his name houses the 5-star Palácio Tangará hotel, a sumptuous neoclassical building, and is also overlooked by the elegant residential towers of the neighboring Panamby neighborhood, like a lush green bridge between tradition and modernity. ******************************** Minas Geraes, Editora Itaminas, 1989. Grand in-4 oblong de 318 x 328 mm pour 201 pp. Envoi autographe de Burle Marx. Relié plein tissu orange-brun éditeur avec jaquette taupe à rabats. Nom du paysagiste en gros, nom en portugais en petits caractères clairs au plat avant, pages de garde orangée. Signé par Burle Marx au stylo bleu sur la page de titre : "Para Diogenes, toda ternura e amizade, do Roberto / Rio 6-1-1990" (Pour Diogenes, avec tendresse et amitié, Roberto, à Rio de Janeiro le 6 janvier 1990). Imprimé sur papier couché, tranchefile. Écrit en anglais et en portugais, ce livre se concentre sur l’œuvre de Burle Marx en tant que peintre. Chaque peinture est représentée en couleurs avec légende dans les deux langues. Avec les textes suivants : "A Planetary Modernist", "Ode for Roberto Burle Marx", "A Poetic of Modernity", "Roberto Burle Marx as a Painter", "Comments on his Artistic Work", "Chronology of Life and Work". Livre peu courant nanti d'une belle dédicace. Rétrospective de l'un des artistes les plus connus du Brésil, pour ses paysages en particulier. Aujourd'hui, le parc de São Paulo qui porte son nom héberge l'hôtel 5 étoiles Palácio Tangará, un bâtiment néoclassique somptueux, et est également surplombé par les élégantes tours d'habitation du quartier voisin Panamby comme un pont verdoyant entre tradition et modernité.‎

10 Images

‎Small tear at the bottom of the dust jacket on the cover, top edge and corners of the dust jacket slightly rubbed, foxing on the first two pages, margins a little yellowed without loss to the images, solid binding, images very fresh. Good copy. ********************** Petite déchirure au bas de la jaquette en couverture, chasse supérieure et coins de la jaquette légèrement frottées, rousseurs aux deux premières pages, marges un peu jaunies sans perte aux images, reliure solide, images de toute fraîcheur. Bon exemplaire.‎