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Boudassou B.
Le Thé
Du May 1996 Petit in-12, 96 pp., cartonnage éditeur, illustrations en couleurs
Reference : 2420
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5 book(s) with the same title
1) Møller, P. L. Et Besøg i Soræ [in: Gæa. Æsthetisk Aarbog]. + 2) [Goldschmidt, Meïr Aaron, edt.]. Corsaren. Nr. 1-315. + 3) Frater Taciturnus: En omreisende Æsthetikers Virksomhed, og hvorledes han dog kom til at betale Gjæstebudet. [Printed in: F... - [THE CORSAIR AFFAIR]
Kjøbenhavn, 1845-47. 1) 8vo. (IV), 372 (VIII),330 (VI),314 pp. Three volumes, all uncut and all in the original glitted paper bindings with gilding to boards. Rebacked and with restored tears to edges of boards. Inner hinges re-enforced. Gilding to boards rubbed and vague. Some brownspotting throughout. Illustrated. 2) All that was issued of The Corsair during Goldschmidt’s ownership, including those of the seized issued that were not also destroyed: 36, 64, 70, 81, 293 as well as no. 215b, the addenda-issues to 75, 194, 215, 215b, 227, 259, 262, 208 as well as the extra numbers of 86 and 259 (with different dates and contents, i.e. just errors in the consecutive numbering), and “Følgeblad” after no. 204]. [The seized and destroyed issues are, as expected, not present: 3, 11, 21, 22, 26, 63, 65, 67, 68, 73, 77, 79, 80, 136, 149, 151, 176, 192, 194, 199, 208, 226, 242, 243, 261, 265, 270, 281, 294, 305, 307, 313]. Nos. 1-16: Andet Oplag (i.e. second issue). (Copenhagen), 1841-1846. Lex 8vo. Bound in three contemporary uniform black full cloth bindings with gilt lettering and numbering to spines. Extremities a bit worn and hinges a bit weak. Some brownspotting. Overall a very good set. Richly illustrated throughout, both in the text and with plates. 3) 6te Aarg. Nr. 2078. Løverdagen den 27. December 1845. 2 pp. Columns 16653-1660. Kierkegaard’s article: Columns 16653-16658 4) 6te Aarg. Nr. 2079. Mandagen den 29. December 1845. 2 pp. Columns 16661-16668. Møller’s article: Column 16665 5) 7de Aarg. Nr. 9. Løverdagen den 10. Januar. 1846. 2 pp. Columns 65-72. Kierkegaard’s article: Columns 65-68 (København), 1845 & 1846. All three articles in large 4to (33 x 24,7 and 33 x 24,5 cm). 2 columns to a page.
A magnificent set of all the original articles that cover the seminal Corsair Affair, which came to radically impact Kierkegaard's life - exceedingly scarce. To our knowledge, such a complete set of all the articles has never previously been for sale. The five numbers above together constitute all the seminal papers of the entire Corsair affair. As D. Anthony also puts it: “The summary of the affair is as follows. Other, lesser articles exist from this period, including some of unknown authorship… P.L. Møller’s article in Gæa entitled «A Visit in Søro» Kierkegaard responds in this article, “The Activity Of A Traveling Esthetician” P.L. Møller’s reply in The Fatherland Goldschmidt’s first Corsair article Kierkegaard’s second and final reply, “The Dialectical Result of a Literary Police Action” A string of articles published in The Corsair” This set includes 1) The first edition of all three volumes of Gæa (all that was published), the aesthetical magazine by P.L. Møller, in which he published his review of Kierkegaard’s Stages on Life’s Way, which is the paper that begins the entire Corsair Affair, the paper, which Kierkegaard responds to in The Fatherland, at the same time attacking The Corsair. Apart from Møller’s fateful review of Stages on Life’s Way, which in turn came to have such a profound influence upon Kierkegaard’s life, the literary periodical also contains numerous original contributions by Kierkegaard’s most famous contemporaries, providing an excellent picture of Danish literature at this exact moment in time. There are numerous contributions by Hans Christian Andersen: Stoppenaalen (BFN 482), three poems for Jenny Lind, Melbye, and Gertner respectively (BFN 483, 484, 485), To Billeder fra Kjøbenhavn (BFN 515, 513), and Hvad den lille Hund siger (BFN 514) Blicher: Pilen (Bertelsen s. 42), Halv Spansk og halv Dansk (Bertelsen s. 42), and Ungdom og Løndom (Bertelsen s. 42) and many more first printings by Aarestup, H.C. Ørsted, Oehlenschläger, Christian Winther, Hauch, Høegh-Guldberg, P. L. Møller himself, and many others. 2) A complete collection of all rightful issues of Goldschmidt’s Corsaren, the seminal periodical that took Copenhagen by storm and is now famous world-wide for its harsh ridicule of Søren Kierkegaard, with the iconic caricature of him that now constitutes the most famous “portrait” of the founder of Existentialism. The seized numbers account for the lacunae in the numbering of the issues in the present set. Most of these were destroyed and never reached the public, to the great disappointment of the many loyal readers. A few of the seized issues were later released by the chancellery, and the subscribers would receive them, albeit several months later. This accounts for the five issues that are present here, although they were seized – the few seized issues that were not also destroyed. 3)-5) The exceedingly scarce original printing of the three issues of Fædrelandet that contain the three articles in this paper pertaining to The Corsair Affair – Kierkegaard’s two only published contributions to the Corsair Affair as well as Møller’s important reply published merely two days after Kierkegaard’s first. As we know, a defining moment in Kierkegaard’s life was his engagement – and not least the termination of it – to Regine Olsen. This would affect him, his writings, and his thoughts for the rest of his life. The next defining moment that would also leave deep traces in Kierkegaard’s work, mental state, and thought, was that of the so-called Corsair Affair, which evolved into the greatest literary battle in Danish history. It had enormous consequences for everyone involved, not least Kierkegaard, who would never really recover from it. The Corsair was one of the most important periodicals in the history of Denmark. With its witty disposition, lack of respect for everyone and everything, and its founder’s awe of the French Revolution and republican ideas, The Corsair became the first periodical of its kind in Denmark. It invoked an entirely new genre, founded Danish political satire, and would prove groundbreaking in several respects. It was not only political and meant to be an “Organ for and sculpting of the mass opinion”, but it also viewed as its goal “to assert and cherish the purity and dignity of literature” (Bredsdorff p. 28). The first issue of The Corsair saw the light of day on October 8, 1840. The periodical was founded and owned by Meïr Aaron Goldschmidt who was also the actual editor and the author of the greater part of the writings in it. In 1846, Goldschmidt sold the periodical, and although it continued its existence until 1855, it almost immediately lost the significance it had when Goldschmidt owned it. The essence of the periodical thus counts the numbers 1 (from October 8, 1840) to 315 (October 2, 1846). Apart from its political stance and the great effect The Corsair came to have upon the shaping of Danish politics during the years that Goldschmidt ran it, the periodical is now primarily associated with one towering “event” known as the “Corsair Affair” – the strife that emerged between the widest read and most influential periodical of the time and the person that would prove to be the greatest thinker that emerged from Danish soil, Søren Kierkegaard. Goldschmidt and Kierkegaard had met each other for the first time right after the appearance of Kierkegaard’s first book, in 1838 and were not ill disposed towards each other. As we know, Goldschmidt had founded The Corsair in 1840, and Kierkegaard published his dissertation, On the Concept of Irony, in 1840. On October 8, 1841 (no. 49), the contents of the dissertation were briefly mentioned in The Corsair, and the actual review followed in no. 51 (October 22). The review was not bad, there was no real mockery, and Goldschmidt even deemed it “interesting”. Like everyone else in Copenhagen at the time, Kierkegaard by now also knew the identity of the true editor of The Corsair, and when he met Goldschmidt again, coincidentally this time, he mentioned to him that he had no reason to be dissatisfied with the review, but that it lacked “composition”, and that Goldschmidt ought to generally “pursue comical composition”. In February 1843, Kierkegaard’s magnum opus, Either-Or, appeared. Goldschmidt read it and was immediately infatuated by it. There was no end to his appreciation of this masterpiece. He reviews it in The Corsair, no. 129, March 10, 1843, where he states “This author is a mighty intellectual, he is an intellectual aristocrat, he mocks the entire human race, portrays its wretchedness but he is entitled thereto, he is an unusual intellect.” And this is not the only time that Goldschmidt praises Kierkegaard. One would think that Kierkegaard would have been thrilled with this. Usually, he is portrayed as a misunderstood, struggling author, who no-one really believed in and who was only vindicated after his death. But here, he is so highly praised, for his early works no less, by one of the most influential men in the country at the time. But Kierkegaard was not pleased. He might have felt left out for not being made fun of like everyone else in The Corsair, and he was definitely not in agreement with Goldschmidt politically. Kierkegaard was a true conservative and did not appreciate the horrible liberal radicalism of The Corsair. It clearly bothered him to be lauded by this “gossip rag”. When The Corsair once again highlighted the immortality of Victor Eremita (Kierkegaard’s pseudonym) in a review of a novel by Carsten Hauch, the praise seems to have become too much for the conservative Kierkegaard. In a letter (that he never sent, though), he writes to The Corsair, in the satirical manner of the periodical itself “kill me, but do not make me immortal!”... “Oh! This gruesome mercy and to be spared, forever designated a non-human, because The Corsair inhumanely spared him!... Oh! Let you be moved to pity, stop with your sublime gruesome mercy, kill me like everyone else!”, asking to be ridiculed by The Corsair like everyone else. The defining moment came, when at the end of December 1845, Kierkegaard writes an article in the paper The Fatherland, under the pseudonym of Frater Taciturnus. This paper is Kierkegaard’s first of two written contributions to the Corsair Affair and the one that set it off. The paper entitled “The Activity of a Traveling Esthetician and How He Still Happened to Pay for the Dinner” was written as a reaction to P.L. Møller’s essay “A Visit in Sorø”, which Møller had published in his aesthetic yearbook Gæa on December 22nd, 1845 (Gæa for the year 1846). Here, Møller criticizes Kierkegaard’s Stages on Life’s Way. It is also implied in the title that the “Visit in Sorø”, during which the conversation about Stages on Life’s Way took place, was at the home of Hauch, who lived in Sorø. Kierkegaard replies with this fateful paper, written in five days, over Christmas, and published in The Fatherland on December 27, 1845. Here, Kierkegaard not only reacts to the implication that Hauch was present in the critique of his Stages on Life’s Way and to Møller’s general critique of it, he also publicly regrets not being ridiculed in The Corsair, and he implies that P.L. Møller (whom he despised) is the true editor of The Corsair. There is no doubt that Kierkegaard wished to discredit Møller, who he considered opportunistic (Møller was seeking a chair at the university while secretly publishing his articles in The Corsair), and he succeeded. Kierkegaard’s paper was devastating for Møller and effectually meant the end of his career. Møller had stood in for Goldschmidt during Goldschmidt’s impeachment (accused of being the editor of The Corsair), which he had done as a favour to Goldschmidt, but he was not otherwise truly involved with the “dangerous” periodical. Møller replies a mere two days later, with a small article For Mr. Frater Taciturnus in The Fatherland on December 29th, 1845. Here, he thanks Kierkegaard for having responded so swiftly to his article in Gæa, but immediately objecting that Kierkegaard must accept being criticized and that the only way of avoiding criticism altogether would be not to publish anything. He does not engage in further discussion of Kierkegaard’s critique, but he denies Kierkegaard’s assumption that the conversation about Stages on Life’s Way that took place in Sorø took place at Hauch’s house and claims that the mentioned dinner party was purely f ictitious. Møller refrains from commenting on the assumptions about Møller’s involvement in The Corsair. The Corsair does not, however. As of 1846, everything changed. Goldschmidt began ridiculing Kierkegaard in The Corsair, and he did not tread lightly. The first polemic against him is to be found in no. 276 (January 2), where Kierkegaard’s “unveiling” of Møller is ridiculed. The following issue, no. 277 (January 9) contains the first of many caricature drawings of Kierkegaard, defining the way that Kierkegaard came to be viewed ever after. The drawing was done by the house illustrator of The Corsair, Klæstrup, and has gone down in history as THE most important depiction of Søren Kierkegaard ever. The moment it appeared – January 9, 1846 – became a defining moment in the life of the founder of Existentialism. Not only was he depicted in a ridiculous way, caricatured so that everyone knew who it was, a devastating polemical description of his appearance – for instance mentioning one trouser leg being shorter than the other – also followed. This one issue of The Corsair began the Copenhagen “trend” of discussing the trousers of Kierkegaard – a “trend” that became so bothersome for Kierkegaard that he never really recovered from general ridicule. The Corsair had thus begun the momentous ridicule of Kierkegaard’s outer appearance that came to hurt him so deeply. The Corsair continued mocking Kierkegaard in no. 277, pointing also to the fact that he was not the keeper of secrets Kierkegaard now replied through The Fatherland, again under the name Frater Taciturnus, with a paper entitled Det dialektiske resultat af en literair Politi-Forretning, published on January 10th, 1846. In this paper, Kierkegaard’s second and final published contribution to the Corsair Affair, he exposes The Corsair as a gossip rag and points to the fact that he had “ordered” the ridicule of him, poking fun at the unserious magazine. Again, he asks to be abused in the pages of The Corsair and says that he will not suffer being praised by such a paper. “As it turned out, The Corsair was all too happy to oblige and sustained his request for months to such an extent that Kierkegaard refrained himself from further public response in the matter. We do, however, get a glimpse of his reaction and mood from the numerous journal entries during this time.” (D. Anthony). The Corsair continued to retaliate, continued to mock and ridicule Kierkegaard, and continued bringing caricatures of him – in numbers 278, 279, 280. In no. 284, Goldschmidt once again praises Kierkegaard, reviewing his brilliant philosophical magnum opus Concluding Unscientific Postscript, and although the following months of The Corsair contain several harsh polemics against Kierkegaard, which were devastating to the selfconscious philosopher, Goldschmidt says that the defining moment that made him give up the magazine and sell it, came when, after the publication of Concluding Unscientific Postscript, he met Kierkegaard on the street, which he had done so often, and Kierkegaard refused to greet him. In Concluding Unscientific Postscript, Kierkegaard admits to being the author of all the pseudonymous writings, which is another defining moment in his career. This prompted another caricature in The Corsair – in no. 285 from March 6 1846, Kierkegaard is famously depicted as the centre of the universe. Also in numbers 297, 299, 300, and 304, The Corsair polemicizes against Kierkegaard. The caricatures were devastating to Kierkegaard, who keeps mentioning the polemics in his diaries. He so wishes that The Corsair would now stop the mocking and let him be. The extent to which his trousers and his appearance in general had become a subject of gossip for the inhabitants of Copenhagen was almost unbearable to him. “I need only put on my trousers, and all eyes are on me, on my trousers”, he writes, and elsewhere, after talking about the vast general ridicule from the Copenhagen public, “such knowing mistreatment is one of the most painful things. Everything else comes to an end, but not this. To sit in a church and then a couple of ruffians have the audacity to sit next to one only to constantly ogle one’s trousers and mock one in a conversation that is so loud that one hears every single word.” (Pap. VIII: 1A, 99). The mocking would take no end, and Kierkegaard’s private papers are full of examples of how he was made fun of and how everyone in Copenhagen would laugh at him and his trousers. “What Goldschmidt and P.L. Møller practice in the large, every individual practices in the small.” (Ibid., 218). The effect of the caricatures was grueling, and Kierkegaard never really recovered from it. With its political stance and its provocative manner, it is no wonder that many issues of the groundbreaking periodical were seized, forbidden, and destroyed by the police censure, which accounts for lacunae in the numbering of the issues. This also accounts for the long list of fictional names of editors. Goldschmidt is never actually mentioned as the editor anywhere in the periodical, and, in the beginning, every time a number is seized, a new fictional editor-name appears on the following issues. Already issue no. 3 was confiscated, and during Goldschmidt’s ownership, 40 issues were seized and forbidden. Within the first 26 weeks of its existence, The Corsair had officially had no less than six different editors in chief. In the six years that Goldschmidt owned it, 14 different editor-names appear. The first issue of The Corsair took Copenhagen by storm it was eagerly read and discussed, and there were countless rumors as to who the real editor/editors was/were. Issue no. 1 was sold out so quickly that a second issue of it followed almost immediately. Thus, often in the rare sets one encounters of The Corsair, the early issues will be in second issue, as it was only later on that the editor realized the need to print in larger numbers. Himmelstrup: 81, 88 & 89.
Corpse in the Middle Ages: Embalming, Cremating, and the Cultural Construction of the Dead Body
, Brepols - Harvey Miller, 2021 Hardback, vi + 780 pages, Size:220 x 280 mm, Language(s):English, Latin. ISBN 9781909400870.
Summary To what extent are the dead truly dead? In medieval society, corpses were assigned special functions and meanings in several different ways. They were still present in the daily life of the family of the deceased, and could even play active roles in the life of the community. Taking the materiality of death as a point of departure, this book comprehensively examines the conservation, burial and destruction of the corpse in its specific historical context. A complex and ambivalent treatment of the dead body emerges, one which necessarily confronts established modern perspectives on death. New scientific methods have enabled archaeologists to understand the remains of the dead as valuable source material. This book contextualizes the resulting insights for the first time in an interdisciplinary framework, considering their place in the broader picture drawn by the written sources of this period, ranging from canon law and hagiography to medieval literature and historiography. It soon becomes obvious that the dead body is more than a physical object, since its existence only becomes relevant in the cultural setting it is perceived in. In analogy to the findings for the living body in gender studies, the corpse too, can best be understood as constructed. Ultimately, the dead body is shaped by society, i.e. the living. This book examines the mechanisms by which this cultural construction of the body took place in medieval Europe. The result is a fascinating story that leads deep into medieval theories and social practices, into the discourses of the time and the daily life experiences during this epoch. TABLE OF CONTENTS ABOUT THE TRANSLATION FOREWORD INTRODUCTION The Constructed Corpse: Methodology, Structure, and Goals Burial between Norm and Practice St Augustine and the "Constructed" Sanctity The Staged Corpse No Fear of the Dead Body Parts and the Gaze Upon the Dead Body A Topic between Popular Hype and Historical Lack of Interest: The State of Research CHAPTER I: THE BURIED CORPSE The Corpse and the Resurrection The Soul, the Corpse, and the Beyond The Eternal and the Eternally Disturbed Grave Drowning and the Element of Baptism Cremating the Dead: Between Concern and Banning The Proper Burial in the Middle Ages The Quest for the Phantom: The "Standard" Burial in the Christian Middle Ages Symbolism of Light and the Position of the Dead in the Grave Solitary Burial and Group Affiliation of the Corpse The Corpse is Coming to the Living: The Cult of the Martyrs and the Burial with Saints The Development of the Church Graveyard Interment in the Time of Crisis War Dead and Their Graves Death as a Result of Epidemics, the Black Death, and Burial The Corpse Portrayed Summary CHAPTER II: THE HOLY CORPSE Real Presence and the Cult of Relics The Holy Corpse as a Self-Determined Being Transfer of Relics and Fragmenting of the Corpse Desired Relics, Corpse Desecration, and the Dead as a Valuable Treasure The Corpse as Proof of Sanctity "Corpus Incorruptum," Mumification, and Created Sanctity The Aromatically Smelling Corpse Innocent Liquids: The Leichen l Medieval Complementary Logic: The Corpses of the "Valde Boni" and the "Valde Mali" Summary CHAPTER III: EMBALMING AND THE PRESERVATION OF CORPSES Ancient Embalming in the Middle Ages Ancient Mummies and the Christian Occident "Aromatibus conditum"-The Biblical Model and Early Christian Embalming Embalming in the Time of the Merovingians Sanctity and (Repeated) Embalming Change of the Embalming Technique in the Time of the Carolingians Rotting and the Ideal of a Fast Burial Ritual of Burial and the Transport of the Corpse A New Method: Opening of the Corpse to Remove the Entrails and the Badly Smelling Corpse of Charles the Bald Embalming in the High Middle Ages Transfer of Corpses since the High Middle Ages Embalming in the Tenth Century Embalming in the Time of the Salian and the Hohenstaufen Dynasties Robert Guiscard, Sven Gabelbart, and Embalming in the Kingdom of England Embalming in the Kingdom of France The Desert and the King of Jerusalem Popes and Saints Roland, Henry the Lion, and the Deer Hide: Embalming Practice in the Literary Discourse Corpse Transport and Social Prestige: Changes in the Process of Embalming in the Course of the High Middle Ages Kitchen, Cooking, and the Treatment of the Corpse Cooking the Corpse-a "mos Teutonicus"? Boiling of Corpses in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries The Bull "Detestandae feritatis" by Pope Boniface VIII from 1299 and the End of Boiling Corpses The White Bone: The Sanctity of the Boiled Body Individuals Charged with Taking Care of the Corpse and Corpse Washing Dissection of the Corpse and the Professionalization of Embalming Ar-Razi and Medicine in the High Middle Ages Henry of Mondeville, Guy de Chauliac, and the Process of Embalming in Late Medieval and Early Modern Medicine Innovations in High and Late Medieval Embalming Processes and the Anthropological and Archeological Data Opening of the Three Corporal Cavities The Application of Mercury Wax and Linen Galen and the Cold, Humid Corpse: Drying of the Corpse as a Technique in Embalming Aerial Drying of the Corpse Hygiene or the Preservation of the Corpse: Gypsum, Lime, and Hops Booming of Embalming: From the Eighteenth Century to Today Embalming, Preservation of the Body, and the Cult of Relics Summary CHAPTER IV: AUTHORITY AND THE CORPSE Visiting a Corpse-the Visit by a Corpse The Ruler's Corpse as a Sign of Victory The Specialists of Death and Their Ruler Clientele: The Location of the Grave and the Row of Corpses as a Means for Legitimization Conversion, Legitimacy, and the Beloved Bones of the Ancestors Summary CHAPTER V: THE COMMUNITY OF THE DEAD AND THE CORPSE IN THE "ORDO" Hierarchy of the Funeral Sites The Unclean Corpse and the Church as a Burial Site Old Age, Gender, and Kinship: The Hierarchy of the Burial Sites in Medieval Cemeteries Grave Donations Between Here and the Afterlife Clothing Provides Status to the Dead: Insignia of Social Class and the Identification of Corpses Pedum, Paten, Chalice, and Ring: The Burial of Priests and Bishops Crown, Scepter, Orb, and Royal Vestments: The Burial of Emperors and Kings Does God Forget the Names of the Dead? Tables with Inscriptions as Burial Objects and Inscriptions on the Sarcophagus Monastic Habit and Valuable Thread: Monks, Noblemen, Simple People, and Their Clothing for the Beyond Objects Useful for the Corpse Relics, Torture Instruments, and Hosts: Supporters for the Dead Written Documents, Indulgence Letters, and Seals as Documents of Faith Dead Pilgrims Plants and Herbs, Holy Water, Incense, and Coal: Funerary Objects Between Practice and Symbolism Shoes for the Day of Judgment Summary CHAPTER VI: THE CORPSE AND THE LAW The Corpse as the Interim Occupant of an Office The Corpse as Both Subject and Object of the Law The Corpse at Court Strikes with the Sword, Bleeding Corpses, and the Beginning of Forensics in the Middle Ages The Cemetery as a Place of Trial Marking Borders, Church Authority, and the Value of the Corpse The Funeral of the Corpse as an Economic Factor The Corpse and Marking of Borders Summary CHAPTER VII: THE LIVING CORPSE The Sleeping Dead and Its Physically Continued Life Signs of Life: Speaking, Bleeding, and Continued Growth of Nails and Hair Funeral Ritual to Prevent the Appearance of Revenants Placing Weights on the Corpse and the Separation and Breaking of the Legs Decapitation Impalement, Nailing Down, and Interment at a Crossroad Vampires in the Middle Ages? The Cremation of Revenants Obol and Payment of the Dead: Funerary Objects as a One-Way Ticket to the Afterlife? The Corpse Besieged by Demons The Active Corpse Summary CHAPTER VIII: THE DESTRUCTION AND DESECRATION OF CORPSES Deviation from the Funerary Ritual as Punishment and Exclusion Denial of Burial in Sacred Ground On Children Under the Church's Eaves and Pilgrimage Sites: The Unbaptized Dead and Children According to Archaeological Data Suicide and the Corpses of Suicide Victims Excommunicated Corpses and Death Under the Interdict The Example of Emperor Henry IV A Few Years of Eternity, or Was There a Permanent Exclusion of Those Who Had Been Excommunicated The Last of the Hohenstaufen and Their Excommunication: Conrad IV, Manfred of Sicily, and Conradin the Younger The High Medieval Debate on the Punishment of Corpses Exhumation as a Weapon in the Fight Against the Cathars The Growing Concern with the Moral Integrity of the Dead: Individuals Responsible for Church Desecration, Those Who Rejected Confession, and Those Dead Who Had Died without Their Guilt Having Been Forgiven and Atoned In the Case of Doubt Against the Dead: The Liturgists' Fear of the Unknown and the Foreign Death with the Lance in Hand: The Burial of Those Who Had Died in a Tournament The Burial of the Executed Being a Warrior and a Christian: The Exclusion from Burial in Light of Discourse Theory Corpse Desecration The Case of Pope Formosus Corpse Desecration as a Punishment The Ruler's Corpse and the Use of Scalps: Corpse Desecration as a Sign of Physical Superiority Burning and Physical Annihilation The Symbolism of Fire Death by Fire in the Early Middle Ages: Arsonists, Sodomites, Poisoners, Magicians, and Unusual Women The Burning of Heretics and Witches in the High and Late Middle Ages The Destruction of Corpses in the Early Modern Time The Humble Corpse Burial in Simple Clothing The Corpse Placed on Ash Paradise and the Naked Earth: The Burial Site as a Sign of Christian Humility The Penitent Approaching the Day of Judgment: Pippin the Short and Prone Burial Humility of the Medieval Corpse Summary CHAPTER IX: THE CORPSE AS MEDICINE AND MIRACLE CURE The Corpse as Royal Blessing? The Corpse as a Medium to Create Miracles and Magic Charges Against Heretics, Witches, and Jews: Ritual Murder and Mirroring the Eucharist The Corpses of Executed People as Medicine "Mumia vera"-Mummies as a Medical Drug Building Sacrifice and the Corpse as a Weapon Summary CHAPTER X: HEART, HEAD, AND HAND-THE BODY PARTS OF CORPSES FROM AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL AND ANATOMICAL PERSPECTIVE The Practice of Multiple Burials in the High and Late Middle Ages Heart Head Hand Summary EPILOGUE BIBLIOGRAPHY List of Abbreviations Sources Research Literature INDICES Index of Bible passages Index of Names Index of Places
[BRETAGNE VIN & CIDRE] IMPORTANT REGISTRE HISTORIQUE DU NÉGOCE DES SPIRITUEUX.
Reference : 6514
(1847)
[Vins]. Registre de correspondances manuscrit d'un négociant en vins (peut-être Delamotte & Thouault, Saint-Méen). [BRITTANY WINE & CIDER] IMPORTANT HISTORICAL LETTER-BOOK AND LEDGER OF THE SPIRITS TRADE. -[Wines]. Manuscript letter-book of a wine merchant (possibly Delamotte & Thouault, Saint-Méen).
Bretagne, 1847-1856. 1847 Petit in-folio de [34] ff manuscrits à l'encre brune, [1] f avec note au crayon, 7 ff manuscrits volants (LAS de de la maison De la Motte & Chopart). Manuscrit à l'encre ferro-gallique très dense et parfaitement contrastée et lisible, [15] ff blancs. (traces de mouillures, salissure, défauts d'usage.) Brochage d'origine, couverture de réemploi d'un livre de détail spiritueux de 1828. (défauts d'usage).
Passionnant registre comptable et livre de raison de la maison De la Motte (1828-1852), manuscrit commercial inédit retraçant la reconversion dune grande famille de notables bretons, passée de la haute administration municipale au grand négoce de spiritueux en Haute-Bretagne. Véritable mine d'informations pour l'histoire économique du Second Empire et de la Seconde République, ce registre de 14 années dévoile avec une précision rigoureuse les rouages des circuits d'approvisionnement interrégionaux par cabotage maritime et roulage terrestre. De l'axe aquitain (correspondances avec les dynasties Fontémoing à Libourne et Dumon à Bordeaux) à l'axe méridional via le port de Sète (importation de cépages oubliés comme le Picardan), le document cartographie les flux logistiques transitant par le port de Dinan. L'analyse croisée des tarifs des grands crus et des volumes massifs de cidre local met en lumière une double réalité sociologique et commerciale, faisant de cette pièce un témoignage d'archéologie industrielle et viticole de premier ordre pour l'étude des circuits de distribution du XIXe siècle. Ce registre de correspondance active (Plumitif / Copie de lettres) et grand livre de comptes marchands est relié avec pour couverture un document officiel imprimé du Morbihan datant de l'Exercice 1828. Il permet une annalyse du commerce du vin et du cidre dans cette région de Bretagne au milieu du 19éme siecle : Le commerce du vin : Notre registre dévoile l'activité d'une grande famille de notables bretons, les De la Motte. Initialement investie dans la gestion publique en tant que Receveur municipal à Mohon (Morbihan) en 1828, la famille convertit ses compétences administratives dans le négoce privé de spiritueux en Haute-Bretagne à partir des années 1840. L'archive les montre pilotant deux circuits d'approvisionnement majeurs par cabotage maritime et roulage terrestre : L'axe aquitain (Rive droite / Rive gauche) : Correspondance suivie avec les plus grandes dynasties du négoce girondin, notamment la maison Fontémoing Frères à Libourne et la maison Dumon, Genger & Cie à Bordeaux. Les commandes portent sur des volumes importants exprimés en « Bordelaises » (barriques de 225 litres), principalement des crus de Montagne (millésimes 1847, 1850, 1852), de Mortagne et des « Vins vieux de Bordeaux ». On note également une mention historique de « Vins mousseux de Champagne » en 1847. L'axe méridional (Le Languedoc via le Port de Sète) : Le négociant breton collabore avec la maison Alvarez Aîné à Sète (Cette) pour importer des cépages du Midi recherchés pour leur robustesse : le Saint-Georges (Hérault), le Langlade (Gard) et le Picardan (blanc traditionnel devenu rarissime). La marchandise arrivait par navires au Port de Dinan, où elle était stockée dans les caves du commissionnaire Auguste Allaire avant d'être vendue aux clients finaux de l'arrière-pays (communes de Plouër et d'Yvignac, où l'on note l'implication financière de l'abbé Le Corgne). Analyse économique des tarifs et du négoce cidricole : Étude économique des prix des barriques relevés (1847-1852) : L'analyse des livres de comptes et de la correspondance révèle une stricte hiérarchie tarifaire indexée sur la rareté et les frais de transport. En avril 1847, un lot de 17 pièces (barriques de 225 litres) de vin de Maraux est facturé au prix fort de 151,85 francs lunité (soit environ 520 en valeur moderne), traduisant le coût d'une importation d'élite destinée à la bourgeoisie locale. En février 1851, le registre fixe le prix d'un « vin vieux de Bordeaux de première qualité » à 88,75 francs la barrique. Les protestations récurrentes du négociant breton auprès de son confrère Alvarez à Sète concernant les prix « un peu élevés » des crus méridionaux (Saint-Georges, Langlade, Picardan) mettent en lumière le poids financier déterminant du fret maritime par cabotage et du roulage terrestre, ces frais logistiques et de régie douanière perçus aux quais du Port de Dinan pouvant grever jusqu'à 15 à 20 % de la valeur finale de la marchandise. Le cidre de pomme au cur de l'économie locale (1851) : Au-delà des grands crus d'importation, le registre apporte un témoignage chiffré exceptionnel sur le marché des boissons locales en Haute-Bretagne. L'acte de février 1851 comptabilise un lot massif de 32 barriques de cidre de pomme de saison, évalué à 1 720 francs, soit un prix unitaire de 53,75 francs par barrique. À pouvoir d'achat comparable, cette valeur (environ 185 modernes pour 225 litres) s'avère presque deux fois inférieure à celle du vin de Bordeaux le plus accessible. Cette disparité tarifaire met en lumière la dualité sociologique de la clientèle de la maison De la Motte : alors que le vin rouge et les blancs rares du Languedoc restent l'apanage des notables et des tables d'exception, le cidre de pomme s'affirme comme la boisson de consommation courante et de masse dans l'arrière-pays dinannais. La présence de ces volumes considérables dans le grand livre de comptes démontre que les structures de négoce de vins intégraient pleinement la distribution des productions cidricoles régionales, rentabilisant ainsi les circuits de roulage et les capacités de stockage dans les celliers de Plouër et d'Yvignac. Extraits : [Lettre de De la Motte & Chopart au négociant Alvarez à Cette 9 Septembre 1851] : « Nous trouvons vos prix un peu élevés, de sorte que nous nous bornerons pour le moment à vous faire la commande suivante : 12 Bordelaises Montagne 1850, 2 St George, 1 Langlade, 1 Picardan. Faites-nous s'il vous plaît adresser le tout chez M. Auguste Allaire, à Dinan. [...] Veuillez attendre une bonne occasion. Nous espérons que vous ferez de votre mieux pour nous expédier des vins bien chargés. » Précieux livre de raison et de commerce constitue un témoignage darchéologie industrielle et viticole de premier ordre, captivant tant par sa longévité à travers trois régimes politiques que par la précision de ses réseaux d'échange interrégionaux. Exemplaire conservé dans son cartonnage dorigine. G. Devailly, Le Commerce maritime de la Bretagne au XIXe siècle, Paris, 1972 ; J. Tanguy, Le Commerce du vin en Bretagne, XVe-XIXe siècles, Rennes, SHAB, 1996 ; P. Pourchasse, Le négoce maritime et les circuits de distribution en Haute-Bretagne sous le Second Empire, Annales de Bretagne, 2004 ; M. Lagrée, Boissons, sociabilité et cultures populaires en Bretagne (1800-1860), Institut culturel de Bretagne, 1989 ; Collectif, Dinan au XIXe siècle : Économie d'un port fluvial et réseaux de roulage, Société d'Émulation des Côtes-d'Armor, 2011. Small folio, [34] leaves of manuscript in brown ink, [1] leaf with a pencil note, 7 loose manuscript leaves included (ALS from the firm De la Motte & Chopart). Manuscript in a very dense iron-gall ink, perfectly contrasted and legible, [15] blank leaves. (traces of damp-staining, soil, minor wear consistent with age and use). Original temporary stitched binding (brochage), using a recycled wrappers from an 1828 retail spirits ledger. (Wear consistent with age and use). A fascinating account book and livre de raison from the firm De la Motte (1828-1852), an unrecorded commercial manuscript tracing the economic reinvention of a prominent family of Breton notables, moving from high municipal administration to the wholesale spirits trade in Upper Brittany. A true mine of information for the economic history of the Second Republic and the Second Empire, this 14-year ledger reveals with rigorous precision the inner workings of interregional supply chains via coastal shipping (cabotage) and overland hauling (roulage). From the Aquitaine axis (correspondence with the Fontémoing dynasty in Libourne and Dumon in Bordeaux) to the southern axis via the port of Sète (importation of forgotten grape varieties such as Picardan), the document maps the logistics routes passing through the port of Dinan. The cross-analysis of grand cru pricing against massive volumes of local cider highlights a dual sociological and commercial reality, making this piece a primary source of industrial and viticultural archaeology for the study of 19th-century distribution networks. This archive of active correspondence (Letter-book / Copy-book) and merchant ledger is bound in a contemporary official printed document from Morbihan dating from the Fiscal Year 1828. It allows for an analysis of the wine and cider trade in this region of Brittany during the mid-19th century: The Wine Trade: Our ledger unveils the commercial activities of a prominent family of Breton notables, the De la Mottes. Originally invested in public administration as the municipal collector (Receveur municipal) in Mohon (Morbihan) in 1828, the family transitioned their administrative expertise into the private wholesale spirits trade in Upper Brittany starting in the 1840s. The archive shows them managing two major supply routes via coastal shipping and overland hauling: The Aquitaine Axis (Right Bank / Left Bank): Sustained correspondence with the leading dynasties of the Gironde wine trade, notably the house of Fontémoing Frères in Libourne and Dumon, Genger & Co. in Bordeaux. Orders were placed for substantial volumes expressed in "Bordelaises" (225-liter barrels), primarily vintages from Montagne (1847, 1850, 1852), Mortagne, and "Vins vieux de Bordeaux" (aged Bordeaux wines). We also note a historical mention of "Vins mousseux de Champagne" (sparkling Champagne wines) in 1847. The Southern Axis (Languedoc via the Port of Sète): The Breton merchant collaborated with the firm Alvarez Aîné in Sète (Cette) to import robust wines from the Midi: Saint-Georges (Hérault), Langlade (Gard), and Picardan (a traditional white grape variety that has since become exceedingly rare). The merchandise arrived by vessel at the Port of Dinan, where it was stored in the cellars of the forwarding agent (commissionnaire) Auguste Allaire before being sold to end consumers in the hinterland (the communes of Plouër and Yvignac, where we note the financial involvement of Father Le Corgne). Economic Analysis of Pricing and the Cider Trade: Economic Study of Recorded Barrel Prices (1847-1852): An analysis of the account books and correspondence reveals a strict pricing hierarchy indexed against scarcity and transportation costs. In April 1847, a lot of 17 pièces (225-liter barrels) of wine from Maraux was invoiced at the premium price of 151.85 francs per unit (approximately $560 in modern value), reflecting the cost of an elite import destined for the local bourgeoisie. In February 1851, the ledger records the price of a "first-quality aged Bordeaux wine" at 88.75 francs per barrel. The Breton merchants recurring complaints to his counterpart Alvarez in Sète regarding the "somewhat high" prices of southern vintages (Saint-Georges, Langlade, Picardan) highlight the significant financial burden of coastal freight and overland transit; these logistical expenses and customs duties collected at the wharves of the Port of Dinan could add up to 15% to 20% to the final value of the goods. Apple Cider at the Heart of the Local Economy (1851): Beyond the imported grands crus, the ledger provides exceptional quantitative evidence on the regional beverage market in Upper Brittany. An entry from February 1851 records a massive lot of 32 barrels of seasonal apple cider valued at 1,720 francs, representing a unit price of 53.75 francs per barrel. Adjusted for comparable purchasing power, this value (approx. $200 today for 225 liters) proves to be nearly half the cost of the most affordable Bordeaux wine. This price disparity underscores the sociological duality of the De la Motte firm's clientele: while red wine and rare whites from Languedoc remained the exclusive privilege of local notables and fine tables, apple cider established itself as the staple drink for mass consumption in the Dinan hinterland. The inclusion of such considerable volumes within the main commercial ledger demonstrates that wine distribution structures fully integrated regional cider production, thereby maximizing the profitability of overland hauling routes and storage capacities in the cellars of Plouër and Yvignac. Excerpts: [Letter from De la Motte & Chopart to the merchant Alvarez in Cette September 9, 1851]: "We find your prices somewhat high, so that for the time being we shall limit ourselves to the following order: 12 Bordelaises of Montagne 1850, 2 St George, 1 Langlade, 1 Picardan. Please have the entire shipment addressed to Mr. Auguste Allaire in Dinan. [...] Kindly wait for a favorable shipping opportunity. We trust you will do your utmost to send us wines of excellent body and strength." This valuable livre de raison and commercial archive stands as a primary source for industrial and viticultural archaeology, captivating both for its longevity across three political regimes and for the meticulous detail of its interregional trade networks. A well-preserved copy in its original contemporary paper wrappers. G. Devailly, Le Commerce maritime de la Bretagne au XIXe siècle, Paris, 1972 ; J. Tanguy, Le Commerce du vin en Bretagne, XVe-XIXe siècles, Rennes, SHAB, 1996 ; P. Pourchasse, Le négoce maritime et les circuits de distribution en Haute-Bretagne sous le Second Empire, Annales de Bretagne, 2004 ; M. Lagrée, Boissons, sociabilité et cultures populaires en Bretagne (1800-1860), Institut culturel de Bretagne, 1989 ; Collectif, Dinan au XIXe siècle : Économie d'un port fluvial et réseaux de roulage, Société d'Émulation des Côtes-d'Armor, 2011.
HERBIER CONTENANT LA SUITE DES FAMILLES NATURELLES D'APRÈS JUSSIEU, LAMARCK ET MIRBEL. [HERBARIUM CONTAINING THE SEQUENCE OF NATURAL FAMILIES ACCORDING TO JUSSIEU, LAMARCK AND MIRBEL].
S.l. [France, région présumée : littoral provençal et arrière-pays alpin], s.d. [circa 1810-1825]. 1810 1 vol in-4° (235 x 180 mm) manuscrit sur papier de : [1] f. table des matières non relié et 100 ff numérotés au crayon en bas à droite, dont : 1 titre et 4 titres de parties et 62 spécimens botaniques séchés, collés, nommés et étiquetés répartis en 41 familles. (Quelques manques ou spécimens non mis en place, ensemble très frais). Cartonnage d'époque à la bradel recouvert d'un papier chagriné à grains longs, dos lisse titré et orné de filets dorés transversaux, tranches jaspées, étui de protection d'origine recouvert de papier marbré.
Remarquable herbier constitué au début du 19éme siècle, témoins de la transition taxonomique sous la Restauration documentant par sa rigueur scientifique l'application pratique de la méthode naturelle en France. Bien que l'ouvrage ne porte aucune signature, l'analyse croisée de la graphie, de la rigueur taxonomique et des écosystèmes échantillonnés permet de dresser le profil de son auteur présumé : un savant amateur éclairé ou un médecin-botaniste provincial issu des élites cultivées de la Restauration. L'exactitude des noms latins et le choix délibéré d'abandonner le système linnéen au profit de la méthode naturelle démontrent un esprit rigoureux, parfaitement au fait des débats académiques parisiens et disposant des moyens financiers nécessaires pour acquérir les dispendieux volumes de Lamarck et Mirbel. Sa maîtrise absolue de l'encre ferro-gallique et la délicatesse des rinceaux calligraphiés trahissent un lettré ayant reçu une éducation classique soignée. Homme de terrain et herborisateur chevronné, il était habitué à parcourir des biotopes exigeants, collectant les macrophytes sur les rochers du littoral méditerranéen avant de gravir les vallées alpines de l'arrière-pays pour y cueillir des graminées d'altitude, s'inscrivant ainsi pleinement dans la mouvance des grands observateurs naturalistes et des sociétés savantes régionales de son temps. Ce recueil factice constitue ainsi un témoin de la taxonomie pratique du premier quart du XIXe siècle. Il réunit 62 spécimens végétaux réels, préparés selon les règles de la dessiccation sous presse et de l'encollage sur papier fort. Chaque planche est structurée par un en-tête calligraphié indiquant la classe et le numéro d'ordre de la famille, complété par deux étiquettes manuscrites contrecollées à l'encre brune. La première fournit la nomenclature vernaculaire et nom latin ; la seconde précise l'ordre scientifique ainsi que les abréviations des autorités référentes (Lin., Mirb., Pers., Lam.). La reliure est revêtue d'un papier chagriné rouge d'époque romantique, gaufré mécaniquement au moyen de cylindres de laiton afin d'imiter le grain du chagrin à grains longs (ou maroquin à grains longs), une couvrure technique typique des cartonnages soignés de la période. Le support papier des feuillets est un papier vergé fort de haute qualité, laissant apparaître par transparence, notamment au centre du feuillet de la Table, un filigrane en cartouche rectangulaire à rinceaux encadrant des initiales de papetier. Ce filigrane typique des manufactures françaises de la fin de l'Empire ou du début de la Restauration est datable de la période 1805-1820 de par sa structure à encadrement géométrique régulier instituée par la législation fiscale de l'époque, confirmant une fabrication papetière artisanale haut de gamme immédiatement contemporaine de la collecte botanique. La Table liminaire inventorie 41 familles, dont le plan de classification rejette le système sexuel de Carl von Linné pour adopter la « Méthode Naturelle » initiée par Antoine-Laurent de Jussieu dans son Genera Plantarum (1789). Le compilateur s'appuie explicitement sur la mise à jour de cette méthode par Jean-Baptiste de Lamarck (1744-1829) et Charles-François Brisseau de Mirbel (1776-1854) au sein de leur Histoire naturelle des végétaux, classés par familles (débutée en 1802). L'ensemble des 62 plantes est réparti de manière exhaustive selon l'organisation suivante : Première classe (Plantes acotylédones) : champignons (2), algues (3), lichens (2), hépatiques (2). Deuxième classe (Plantes acotylédones, suite) : mousses (2), lycopodes (1), fougères (2), pilulaires (1), prêles (1), nayades (2). Troisième classe (Plantes monocotylédones) : masettes (1), souchets (2), graminées (3), gouets (1), asperges (3), joncs (2), commelines (1), butomes (1), mérendères (2), Lys (1), asphodèles (3), narcisses (2), iris (1), orchis (3). Quatrième classe (Plantes dicotylédones) : conifères (1), amentacées (1), euphorbes (2), orties (1), arroches (2), oseilles (2), lauriers (1), thymelées (2), chaless (2), amaranthes (2), nyctaginées (1), aristoloches (1). L'examen de la Table et des échantillons révèle une apparente contradiction écologique : la juxtaposition de macrophytes marins benthiques littoraux (à l'instar de Padina pavonica) et de plantes de zones alpines ou subalpines (telles que Phleum alpinum). Cette association paradoxale s'explique par les réalités topographiques du Sud-Est de la France, et plus particulièrement du bassin provençal et du Comté de Nice. Dans cette zone géographique singulière, l'abrupt gradient altitudinal des Alpes du Sud plonge directement dans le bassin méditerranéen, permettant à un même observateur de récolter des flores alpines et des algues de l'étage infralittoral en un rayon de déplacement restreint. Cette mixité témoigne également de la nature didactique de l'ouvrage. Le compilateur ne cherchait pas à dresser l'inventaire monographique d'une flore locale, mais s'efforçait de matérialiser l'arbre complet de la Création selon les directives du Muséum national d'Histoire naturelle de Paris. Les spécimens d'écosystèmes distants traduisent ainsi une collecte par herborisations successives (notamment lors de déplacements hydrothérapiques ou de voyages pittoresques en vogue sous la Restauration) ou révèlent l'insertion de l'auteur au sein des réseaux d'échanges d'exsiccatas actifs entre les sociétés savantes de province. Lagencement suit l'ordre de la complexité morphologique croissante de lépoque. Exemples choisis : Plantes Acotylédones (Cryptogames) : Cette section est l'une des plus documentées du volume en raison de la rareté de conservation de ces organismes. La planche 1 (Fungi) présente une Clavaria coralloides (d'après Mirbel) ayant conservé l'arborescence fine de ses rameaux d'un ton fauve, ainsi qu'un Merulius cantharellus séché à plat sans perte de matière. La planche 2 (Algae) est d'un grand intérêt pour l'histoire de la phycologie : elle montre une Ulva pavonia (actuellement Padina pavonica ou Pavonie) fixée sous la forme d'un réceptacle concentrique parfait, exempte de toute altération saline, aux côtés d'une espèce ramifiée du genre Ceramium. Plantes Monocotylédones : La planche 13 (Gramineae) regroupe trois taxons distincts fixés avec leur appareil racinaire et leurs inflorescences : Phleum alpinum (Fléole des Alpes), Anthoxanthum odoratum (Flouve odorante) et Lagurus ovatus (Lagure ovale). La planche 20 (Junci / Butomes) présente un intérêt visuel et scientifique majeur par sa conservation de la Sagittaria sagittifolia (Fléchière d'Europe ou Sagittaire), dont les trois feuilles sagittées caractéristiques ont conservé leur envergure et leur limbe intact, flanquées de l'axe floral séché portant ses verticilles. L'intérieur de l'ouvrage se caractérise par une fraîcheur de conservation remarquable pour un document organique de cette période. Le papier vergé de support n'affiche aucune rousseur acide ni décharge de tanins. Les points de colle à la gomme arabique ou à la colle de pâte n'ont provoqué aucune distorsion des supports. Les structures cellulaires fragiles (frondes d'algues, hyméniums de champignons, structures foliaires des plantes aquatiques) sont préservées de toute friabilité. La rigueur de la structure scientifique et la présence de la table générale font de cet herbier un document d'archive pour l'étude de la pratique de la botanique empirique au début du XIXe siècle, particulièrement pertinent pour les départements d'histoire des sciences et les bibliothèques de recherche spécialisées. Pour l'appareil critique et l'analyse comparée des collections de cette période, on se reportera aux travaux de référence fondamentaux : Jussieu (A.-L. de), Genera Plantarum juxta series naturales disposita, Paris, 1789 ; Lamarck (J.-B. de) et Mirbel (C.-F. Brisseau de), Histoire naturelle des végétaux, classés par familles, Paris, Déterville, 1802, 15 vol. ; Davy de Virville (A.), Histoire de la botanique en France, Paris, S.E.D.E.S., 1954, pp. 98-112 ; Magnin-Gonze (J.), Histoire de la botanique, Paris, Delachaux et Niestlé, 2004, pp. 145-168 ; ainsi qu'aux analyses de Charpin (A.) et Timbal (J.) sur « Les herbiers et les réseaux de botanistes au XIXe siècle » au sein du Journal de Botanique de la Société botanique de France, n°41, 2008, pp. 5-24. 1 vol. quarto (235 x 180 mm), manuscript on paper, comprising: [1] leaf of unbourd table of contents, and 100 leaves numbered in pencil on the lower right, including: 1 title-leaf, 4 part title-leaves, and 62 dried botanical specimens, mounted, named, and labeled, distributed across 41 families. (A few losses or unplaced specimens, otherwise a very fresh copy). Contemporary Bradel-style paper boards covered in long-grain grained paper, smooth spine titled and decorated with horizontal gilt fillets, speckled edges, original protective slipcase covered in marbled paper. Remarkable herbarium compiled at the beginning of the 19th century, witnessing the taxonomic transition under the Restoration and documenting through its scientific rigor the practical application of the natural method in France. Although the work bears no signature, the cross-analysis of the script, the taxonomic precision, and the sampled ecosystems allows us to draw the profile of its presumed author: an enlightened amateur scholar or a provincial physician-botanist from the cultured elites of the Restoration. The accuracy of the Latin binomials and the deliberate choice to abandon the Linnaean system in favor of the natural method demonstrate a rigorous mind, perfectly abreast of Parisian academic debates and possessing the financial means required to acquire the costly volumes of Lamarck and Mirbel. His absolute mastery of iron-gall ink and the delicacy of the calligraphed flourishes betray a man of letters who received a refined classical education. A field worker and seasoned herborizer, he was accustomed to traversing challenging biotopes, collecting macrophytes on the rocks of the Mediterranean littoral before climbing the Alpine valleys of the hinterland to gather high-altitude grasses, thus aligning himself fully with the movement of the great naturalist observers and regional learned societies of his time. This composite volume thus stands as a witness to practical taxonomy from the first quarter of the 19th century. It gathers 62 real plant specimens, prepared according to the rules of desiccation under press and mounting on heavy paper. Each plate is structured by a calligraphed header indicating the class and sequential number of the family, complemented by two pasted-down manuscript labels in brown ink. The first provides the vernacular nomenclature and Latin name; the second specifies the scientific order as well as the abbreviations of the referencing authorities (Lin., Mirb., Pers., Lam.). The binding is covered in a contemporary Romantic red grained paper, mechanically embossed using brass cylinders to imitate the grain of long-grain morocco, a technical covering typical of refined paper boards of the period. The paper stock of the leaves is a high-quality heavy laid paper, revealing by transparency, notably at the center of the Table leaf, a watermark within a rectangular cartouche with flourishes framing the papermaker's initials. This watermark, typical of French manufactures from the end of the Empire or the beginning of the Restoration, can be dated to the 1805-1820 period due to its regular geometric framing structure instituted by the fiscal legislation of the time, confirming a high-end artisanal paper manufacturing immediately contemporary with the botanical collection. The preliminary Table inventories 41 families, whose classification scheme rejects the sexual system of Carl von Linné to adopt the "Natural Method" initiated by Antoine-Laurent de Jussieu in his Genera Plantarum (1789). The compiler explicitly relies on the update of this method by Jean-Baptiste de Lamarck (1744-1829) and Charles-François Brisseau de Mirbel (1776-1854) within their Histoire naturelle des végétaux, classés par familles (begun in 1802). The entire set of 62 plants is comprehensively distributed according to the following arrangement: First class (Acotyledonous plants): fungi (2), algae (3), lichens (2), liverworts (2). Second class (Acotyledonous plants, continued): mosses (2), lycopods (1), ferns (2), pillworts (1), horsetails (1), naiads (2). Third class (Monocotyledonous plants): cattails (1), galingales (2), grasses (3), arums (1), asparaguses (3), rushes (2), dayflowers (1), flowering rushes (1), merenderas (2), lilies (1), asphodels (3), daffodils (2), irises (1), orchises (3). Fourth class (Dicotyledonous plants): conifers (1), amentaceous plants (1), spurges (2), nettles (1), saltbushes (2), docks (2), laurels (1), spurge-laurels (2), chaless [sic] (2), amaranths (2), four-o'clocks (1), birthworts (1). Examination of the Table and samples reveals an apparent ecological contradiction: the juxtaposition of coastal benthic marine macrophytes (such as Padina pavonica) and plants from Alpine or subalpine zones (such as Phleum alpinum). This paradoxical association is explained by the topographical realities of Southeastern France, and more particularly of the Provençal basin and the County of Nice. In this singular geographical area, the steep altitudinal gradient of the Southern Alps plunges directly into the Mediterranean basin, allowing the same observer to harvest Alpine flora and algae from the infralittoral zone within a restricted radius of travel. This mix also bears witness to the didactic nature of the work. The compiler did not seek to draw up the monographic inventory of a local flora, but endeavored to materialize the complete tree of Creation according to the directives of the Muséum national d'Histoire naturelle in Paris. The specimens from distant ecosystems thus reflect collection through successive herborizations (notably during hydrotherapeutic travels or picturesque journeys in vogue under the Restoration) or reveal the author's integration into the active exchange networks of exsiccatae among provincial learned societies. The arrangement follows the order of increasing morphological complexity of the era. Selected examples: Acotyledonous Plants (Cryptogams): This section is one of the most heavily documented in the volume due to the rarity of preservation of these organisms. Plate 1 (Fungi) presents a Clavaria coralloides (after Mirbel) having retained the delicate branching of its stems in a tawny tone, as well as a Merulius cantharellus dried flat without any loss of matter. Plate 2 (Algae) is of great interest for the history of phycology: it shows an Ulva pavonia (currently Padina pavonica or Peacock's tail) fixed in the form of a perfect concentric receptacle, free of any saline alteration, alongside a branched species of the genus Ceramium. Monocotyledonous Plants: Plate 13 (Gramineae) groups three distinct taxa fixed with their root system and their inflorescences: Phleum alpinum (Alpine timothy), Anthoxanthum odoratum (sweet vernal grass), and Lagurus ovatus (hare's-tail grass). Plate 20 (Junci / Butomes) presents major visual and scientific interest due to its preservation of Sagittaria sagittifolia (European arrowhead), whose three characteristic sagittate leaves have retained their full span and intact blade, flanked by the dried floral axis bearing its whorls. The interior of the work is characterized by a remarkable freshness of preservation for an organic document of this period. The laid paper support displays no acid foxing or tannin offsetting. The glue spots of gum arabic or paste have caused no distortion of the supports. Fragile cellular structures (algae fronds, fungal hymeniums, foliar structures of aquatic plants) are preserved from any brittleness. The rigor of the scientific structure and the presence of the general table make this herbarium an archival document for the study of empirical botanical practice in the early 19th century, particularly relevant for history of science departments and specialized research libraries. Jussieu (A.-L. de), Genera Plantarum juxta series naturales disposita, Paris, 1789; Lamarck (J.-B. de) and Mirbel (C.-F. Brisseau de), Histoire naturelle des végétaux, classés par familles, Paris, Déterville, 1802, 15 vols.; Davy de Virville (A.), Histoire de la botanique en France, Paris, S.E.D.E.S., 1954, pp. 98-112; Magnin-Gonze (J.), Histoire de la botanique, Paris, Delachaux et Niestlé, 2004, pp. 145-168; as well as the analyses by Charpin (A.) and Timbal (J.) on "Les herbiers et les réseaux de botanistes au XIXe siècle" within the Journal de Botanique de la Société botanique de France, no. 41, 2008, pp. 5-24.
MUKHTASAR GHUNYAT AL-MUTAMALLI. [Traité de jurisprudence hanafite sur les rituels de la prière]. [HALABI SAGHIR]. HANAFI JURISPRUDENCE TREATISE ON THE RITUALS OF PRAYER.
S.l. [Empire Ottoman, probablement Istanbul ou Anatolie centrale], daté au colophon 1109 H. [1697-1698]. [Ottoman Empire, probably Istanbul or central Anatolia], colophon dated 1109 AH [1697-1698]. 1697 1 vol. in-8° (200 x 130 mm) de : 189 ff. numérotés à lencre rouge (dont gardes avec notes de lecture, mentions de cours et tables vierges) ; 4 ff. de table des matières analytique (Fihrist) tracée sous forme de grilles quadrillées à l'encre rouge et noire ; 1 titre-frontispice portant le titre manuscrit en grands caractères flanqué d'un sceau de fondation circulaire au verso ; texte calligraphié à l'encre noire et rouge, dont les premiers feuillets sont entièrement encadrés dun double filet rouge, précédés dune vignette d'en-tête (sarlauh) rehaussée de bleu et dor avec rubriques à lencre rouge, encadrement des deux premières pages par un triple filet noir rehaussé à lor ; f. terminal avec annotations marginales et colophon rédigé en ottoman ; ff. de garde de papier ancien. (Quelques salissures d'usage, taches dencre noire et bavures sur quelques feuillets, rousseurs mineures, papier bruni de manière uniforme, texte d'une excellente visibilité et bien conservé). Reliure ottomane d'époque à rabat (mikleb) en demi-cuir brun à coins, plats de carton recouverts d'un papier décoré d'époque (motifs végétaux et médaillons teintés), dos de cuir lisse. (Plats frottés, petits accidents aux coiffes, restaurations anciennes et usures d'usage, mais reliure solide et strictement d'époque).
Précieuse copie manuscrite ottomane de la fin du XVIIe siècle de l'un des plus célèbres traités de jurisprudence hanafite, communément appelé Halabi Saghir (Le Petit Halabi), dont le titre complet est Mukhtasar Ghunyat al-mutamalli fi sharh Munyat al-musalli. Composé par le grand juriste Ibrahim bin Muhammad bin Ibrahim al-Halabi (m. 956 H. / 1549 J.-C.), dont le patronyme complet apparaît explicitement à la sixième ligne de l'incipit, cet ouvrage constitue un abrégé de son grand commentaire, destiné à faciliter l'étude des rituels et règles de la prière (Salat) pour les étudiants de l'Empire ottoman. L'exemplaire est d'une importance historique majeure, l'achèvement de sa copie étant explicitement daté au colophon de l'année 1109 de l'Hégire (1697-1698 apr. J.-C.). L'examen codicologique permet de situer avec certitude la production de ce manuscrit au sein des provinces centrales de la Sublime Porte, très probablement dans les ateliers de scribes d'Istanbul ou d'Anatolie centrale. La vignette d'en-tête (sarlauh), caractérisée par un cartouche bleu azur rehaussé de rinceaux dorés et de fleurettes stylisées blanches et rouges, illustre le style impérial ottoman classique préservé à la fin du XVIIe siècle. L'écriture Naskh employée pour le texte est remarquablement calibrée, dense et entièrement vocalisée, héritière directe des standards calligraphiques fixés par l'école de Seyh Hamdullah. Enfin, la reliure à rabat protecteur (mikleb), typique des madrasas, confirme la nature universitaire d'un ouvrage conçu pour l'apprentissage du rite hanafite, doctrine juridique officielle de l'État ottoman. L'exemplaire se distingue par la richesse de ses marques de possession et son historique d'étude universitaire vivante. Placé en tête de volume, l'index thématique d'époque (Fihrist) se déploie sur quatre feuillets entièrement tracés à la main sous forme de grilles géométriques rouges et noires, répertoriant méticuleusement chaque section rituelle de l'uvre. Le premier feuillet de garde porte de précieuses mentions d'étude répétées, notamment la formule « fi darasatihi » (« Dans sa leçon / Pour son cours »), attestant que ce volume a servi de manuel actif au sein d'une madrasa ottomane. Il est complété sur les gardes par des poèmes didactiques et des notes de lecture en turc ottoman. L'analyse des sceaux officiels et de legs (Waqf) met en évidence une très belle et nette empreinte de cachet circulaire officiel de fondation pieuse gravée en écriture Thuluth dense, s'ouvrant par l'invocation classique « 'Abduhu... al-Murtaji » (« Son serviteur... celui qui espère en la miséricorde divine »). Ce sceau protégeait juridiquement le manuscrit contre la revente commerciale en le rattachant de manière inaliénable à une bibliothèque religieuse d'État. La mise en page est soignée, avec un texte central encadré d'un double filet rouge. Les marges extérieures contiennent d'abondantes notes de commentaires et de gloses rajoutées en diagonale par différents érudits, créant une magnifique mise en page géométrique propre aux manuscrits d'étude islamiques. Lexamen des grands dépôts institutionnels nord-américains met en évidence plusieurs copies ottomanes comparables du Mukhtasar Ghunyat al-mutamalli, confirmant le statut de manuel de référence de cette uvre au sein des madrasas de l'Empire. La Princeton University Library conserve, au sein de sa prestigieuse Yahuda Collection, des codex en écriture Naskh dotés de reliures à rabat (mikleb) d'une facture très proche, ayant servi de manuels d'étude actifs à Istanbul et en Anatolie aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Parallèlement, lIslamic Manuscripts Collection de la University of Michigan (Ann Arbor) abrite plusieurs exemplaires de la tradition d'Al-Halabi présentant des caractéristiques codicologiques identiques, notamment les index thématiques quadrillés en grilles rouges (Fihrist) et les abondantes annotations marginales en diagonale. Enfin, la collection du Sultan Abdul Hamid II à la Library of Congress (Washington, D.C.) valide la diffusion officielle et l'usage académique de ces copies hanafites standardisées, constituant un corpus de comparaison direct pour ce témoin daté de 1109 H. Bel exemplaire conservé dans sa reliure à rabat dorigine. Déroche (F.), Manuel de codicologie des manuscrits en écriture arabe, BnF, 2000. Brockelmann (C.), gal, i, 383 ; ii, 432. Katip Çelebi, Kashf al-Zunun, p. 9. Exemplaires similaires (USA) : Princeton University Library, Garrett Coll., no. 688y (copie ottomane annotée) ; University of Michigan (Ann Arbor), Isl. mss coll., no. Isl. ms. 51 (exemplaire stambouliote comparable à encadrements et gloses, daté 1113 h. / 1701) ; Library of Congress (Washington), Abdul Hamid ii Collection (corpus de fiqh hanafite). 1 vol. 8vo (200 x 130 mm) of: 189 ff. numbered in red ink (including endpapers with reading notes, course inscriptions, and blank tables); 4 ff. of analytical table of contents (Fihrist) drawn in grid form in red and black ink; 1 title-frontispiece bearing the manuscript title in large characters, flanked by a circular foundation seal on the verso; text calligraphied in black and red ink, the first leaves entirely enclosed within a double red rule, preceded by a headpiece (sarlauh) heightened in blue and gold with rubrics in red ink, the first two pages framed by a triple black rule heightened with gold; terminal leaf with marginal annotations and colophon written in Ottoman Turkish; endpapers of old paper. (Some contemporary light soiling, black ink stains and smudges on a few leaves, minor foxing, paper uniformly toned, text with excellent legibility and well-preserved). Contemporary Ottoman binding with flap (mikleb) in brown half-leather with corners, pasteboards covered with contemporary decorated paper (botanical motifs and tinted medallions), smooth leather spine. (Boards rubbed, minor wear to head and tailcaps, old restorations and contemporary wear, but binding sound and strictly contemporary). A precious late 17th-century Ottoman manuscript copy of one of the most famous treatises on Hanafi jurisprudence, commonly known as Halabi Saghir (The Lesser Halabi), the full title of which is Mukhtasar Ghunyat al-mutamalli fi sharh Munyat al-musalli. Composed by the great jurist Ibrahim bin Muhammad bin Ibrahim al-Halabi (d. 956 AH / 1549 AD), whose full patronymic appears explicitly on the sixth line of the incipit, this work constitutes an abridgment of his major commentary, intended to facilitate the study of the rituals and rules of prayer (Salat) for students in the Ottoman Empire. This copy is of major historical importance, the completion of its transcription being explicitly dated in the colophon to the Hijri year 1109 (1697-1698 AD). Codicological examination allows the production of this manuscript to be located with certainty within the central provinces of the Sublime Porte, most likely in the scribal workshops of Istanbul or central Anatolia. The headpiece (sarlauh), characterized by an azure cartouche heightened with golden scrolls and stylized white and red florets, illustrates the classic imperial Ottoman style preserved at the end of the 17th century. The Naskh script employed for the text is remarkably well-measured, dense, and fully vocalized, a direct heir to the calligraphic standards established by the school of Seyh Hamdullah. Finally, the binding with protective flap (mikleb), typical of madrasas, confirms the academic nature of a work designed for learning the Hanafi rite, the official legal doctrine of the Ottoman State. This copy stands out for the richness of its ownership marks and its history of active academic study. Placed at the beginning of the volume, the contemporary thematic index (Fihrist) spans four leaves entirely drawn by hand in the form of red and black geometric grids, meticulously indexing each ritual section of the work. The first flyleaf bears precious, repeated study notations, notably the formula fi darasatihi (In his lesson / For his course), attesting that this volume served as an active textbook within an Ottoman madrasa. It is supplemented on the endpapers by didactic poems and reading notes in Ottoman Turkish. The analysis of the official and bequest (Waqf) seals reveals a very fine and sharp impression of an official circular pious foundation stamp engraved in dense Thuluth script, opening with the classical invocation 'Abduhu... al-Murtaji (His servant... he who hopes for divine mercy). This seal legally protected the manuscript against commercial resale by binding it inalienably to a state religious library. The layout is elegant, with a central text framed by a double red rule. The outer margins contain abundant commentary notes and glosses added diagonally by various scholars, creating a magnificent geometric layout characteristic of Islamic study manuscripts. The examination of major North American institutional repositories reveals several comparable Ottoman copies of the Mukhtasar Ghunyat al-mutamalli, confirming the status of this work as a reference manual within the madrasas of the Empire. The Princeton University Library preserves, within its prestigious Yahuda Collection, codices in Naskh script featuring bindings with flaps (mikleb) of a very similar workmanship, having served as active textbooks in Istanbul and Anatolia during the 17th and 18th centuries. In parallel, the Islamic Manuscripts Collection at the University of Michigan (Ann Arbor) houses several copies of Al-Halabi's tradition presenting identical codicological characteristics, notably the thematic indexes arranged in red grids (Fihrist) and abundant diagonal marginal annotations. Finally, the Sultan Abdul Hamid II collection at the Library of Congress (Washington, D.C.) validates the official dissemination and academic use of these standardized Hanafi copies, providing a direct corpus of comparison for this witness dated 1109 AH. A fine copy preserved in its original flap binding. Déroche (F.), Manuel de codicologie des manuscrits en écriture arabe, BnF, 2000. Brockelmann (C.), gal, i, 383 ; ii, 432. Katip Çelebi, Kashf al-Zunun, p. 9. Similar copies (USA): Princeton University Library, Garrett Coll., no. 688y (annotated Ottoman copy); University of Michigan (Ann Arbor), Isl. mss coll., no. Isl. ms. 51 (comparable Istanbul copy with frames and glosses, dated 1113 h. / 1701); Library of Congress (Washington), Abdul Hamid ii Collection ( Hanafi fiqh corpus).
