‎GRIFFE Georges‎
‎Latin 4°‎

‎Les gaîtés du Chat noir. Le quartier latin. ‎

‎ Paris, Ollendorff, 1888 et 1894. 19 x 12 cm, 35 et 350 pages. Reliés demi toile verte, dos lisse, titre doré, couvertures conservées. Bon état. Reliés ensemble Les gaîtés du Chat noir avec une préface de Jules Lemaitre et Le Quartier latin de Maurice Barrès. ‎

‎Anglo-Latin and its Heritage Essays in honour of A.G. Rigg on his 64th birthday,‎

‎Turnhout, Brepols, 2001 Paperback, 298 p., 16 x 25. ISBN 9782503508382.‎

‎For some 40 years, A.G. Rigg has been defining the field of later Anglo-Latin scholarship, a task culminating in his History of Anglo-Latin Literature 1066-1422. 'Anglo-Latin and its Heritage' is a collection of thirteen essays by his colleagues and students, past and present, which pays tribute to him both by exploring the field he has defined, and by making forays into its antecedents and descendants. The first section, Roots and Debts, includes essays on the migration of classical and late antique motifs and patterns of thought into early medieval Latin, and concludes with an essay which shows how a 12th-century writer reached back into that earlier period for stylistic models. The central section of the book, Anglo-Latin Literature 1066-1422, concentrates on Anglo-Latin writers of the period most studied by Rigg himself, and the seven essays in this section include analyses of poetic style and borrowing discussions of patterns of reading and essays which read Anglo-Latin works through their specific historical and cultural contexts. Two of the essays are elegant translations of significant Anglo-Latin poetic works. The final section of the book, Influence and Survival, offers three essays which consider Anglo-Latin literature in the late medieval and post-medieval world, from an edition of a Latin source for a late Middle English saint's life through an account of the migration of Latin texts into the royal libraries of Henry VIII to the concluding essay, which explores a mechanical means of producing perfect Latin hexameter. A complete bibliography of Rigg's works closes the volume. The chronological and methodological range of the essays in this collection is offered as a fitting tribute to one of Anglo-Latin's most learned and indefatigable scholars. Languages : English, Latin.‎

‎Operum moralium et civilium.... - [LARGE-PAPER COPY - FIRST ED. IN LATIN OF ""NOVA ATLANTIS"" AND THE ""ESSAYS""]‎

‎London, Edward Griffin [John Haviland, Bernard Norton, and John Bill], Richard Whitaker [& John Norton], 1638. Folio. (Binding: 32x22 cm, leaves: 31,1x20,8 cm.). Contemporary full speckled calf binding with six raised bands and gilt red leather title-label to spine. Boards with blindstamped ornamental border. Scuff marks to boards and hinges worn, so bands showing. Large woodcut head- and tail-pieces, initials, printer's devices, and typographical ornaments (that have been of great significance to the Baconians in their attempts to establish Bacon as the author of the works attributed to Shakespeare). Roman and Italic lettering, and some Greek. Several neat inscriptions to front free end-papers and verso of frontispiece, in Latin, Greek, English, and German, dated 1704, 1740, and 1926, the last being a presentation-inscription for the renowned German Bacon-scholar and noted Baconian George J. Pfeiffer. Neat early 18th century inscription to top of title-page. Old description of the copy (1946) neatly pasted on to inside of front board. Vague minor damp-staining to lower margin throughout, far from affecting text, and mostly barely visible. A vague minor dampstain to margins of a few leaves at the beginning, also far from affecting text. All in all a lovely, clean and crisp copy on large paper. Full page engraved frontispiece-portrait + (14), 386 (pp. 177-78 omitted in pagination)"" (16), 475, (1) pp. Fully complete, with separate half-titles for the different works.‎

‎Scarce first edition, first issue, on large paper - THE GREAT BOOK COLLECTOR VOLLBEHR'S COPY, GIVEN TO THE IMPORTANT BACONIAN G.J. PFEIFFER - of the monumental first collected edition of the works of Francis Bacon, containing the seminal first printing in Latin of not only his greatly influential ""Nova Atlantis"" (""The New Atlantis"" - often referred to as ""the blueprint for the founding of America""), but also his groundbreaking Essays (""Sermones Fideli"") as well as his history of Henry VII (""Historiam Regni Henrici Septimi"") and his Dialogue on the Holy War (""Dialogum de Bello Sacro""), published by Bacon's literary executor, his close friend William Ramsey, to whom Bacon bequeathed most of his manuscripts. This first edition of his works in Latin is of the utmost importance to Bacon-scholarship and has played a seminal role in the spreading of his works as well as the understanding of two of his greatest achievements, The Essays and The Nova Atlantis, which is usually referred to with its Latin title instead of the English.This magnificent copy with its wide margins contains several interesting inscriptions in different languages. One of them, 19th century, in German states that ""This book is to remind you of the ""15th Century Plot"". When, in 1926, you showed to scholars his collection of 2000 incunables. He is also known as ""Otto H.F. Vollbehr., [...]"" - "" Dated ""N. York City 29/11 26"" And in the same hand, the presentation inscription is continued: ""This ""little book"" is being handed over in friendship to Mr. George J. Pfeiffer the famous ""Bacon-scholar"" in order for him to continue his fruitful studies [...]."" -THE PRESENT COPY THUS EVIDENTLY BEING THE GREAT BOOK COLLECTOR VOLLBEHR'S COPY, GIVEN TO THE IMPORTANT BACONIAN PFEIFFER. ""Vollbehr was a German industrial chemist turned book collector who at the close of World War I found himself with more assets than most. Either in his own collection or through consignment Vollbehr had control of thousands of incunabula. In 1926 Vollbehr came to the United States, bringing with him a collection of 3,000 incunabula to be exhibited at the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. After the exhibition in Chicago, Vollbehr traveled with the collection by train to several other cities. His last stop was in Washington, and over 100 of the books were exhibited in the Great Hall of the Library of Congress. Vollbehr proposed that if a benefactor would step forward to buy the collection for an American institution for half the asking price of $1.5 million, he would donate the other half. In addition, he would include a complete copy of the Gutenberg Bible printed on vellum as one of the 3,000 incunabula.The Gutenberg Bible which crowned Vollbehr's collection had had only three owners. The first owner was said to have been Johann Fust, who took it to Paris and sold it as a manuscript to a representative of the monks of Saint Blasius. It resided with the monks in the Black Forest until they had to move to St. Paul in Carinthia in the face of the Napoleonic army. Finally, in 1926, Otto Vollbehr purchased the three volumes from the monks for $250,000.In December 1929, a bill was presented to Congress proposing that public funds be used to acquire the Vollbehr collection for the Library of Congress. In June 1930 Congress passed the bill and President Hoover signed it into law. Between July 15 and September 3 the Vollbehr books arrived at the Library of Congress. The Bible, one of three known perfect copies printed on vellum, is one of only a few items that are permanently on display in the Library."" (from the Library of Congress web-site). George J. Pfeiffer, Ph. D., of New York, graduate of Harvard University, and Vice-president of the Bacon Society of America, is considered one of the most important Bacon-scholars of his time. His thorough scientific studies convinced himself and many others that Bacon was in fact the author of the works attributed to Shakespeare. With THE FIRST PRINTING IN LATIN OF ""NOVA ATLANTIS"", Bacon's famous theories of his masterly utopian work became widespread and hugely influential. It had originally been printed, posthumously, in English and appeared at the very end of his ""Sylva Sylvarum"" of 1626, where it was more or less hidden away and quite humbly presented by Rawley, who was responsible for his leftover papers. Rawley's introduction to the Latin edition of the work is quite different from that of the English edition and has had quite an impact upon the reception of the work, a work which came to inspire a totally new philosophical and political genre and which fundamentally changed the way that we view the world. The ""Nova Atlantis"" occupies a unique place within the works of Bacon"" among many other things, it is the only overtly fictional product of his career (if one does not, like Pheiffer, believe that he is actually the true author of the Shakespearean works). The printing of this major work in the history of man's thought is quite interesting and fairly complicated. As mentioned, it appeared at the back of the larger, and much more conform, work ""Sylva Sylvarum"", which was published by his secretary and friend William Rawley shortly after Bacon's death. It does not, however, seem to have much in common with the ""Sylva Sylvarum"", and the ""New Atlantis"" was not even mentioned when that work entered the Stationers' Register on July 4th, 1626.The ""Sylva Sylvarum"" was being compiled during the last couple of years of Bacon's life, and there is evidence to conclude that ""Nova Atlantis"" was being translated into Latin at the same time, whereas it seems that the English version of it was written about a year or two earlier. Although the Latin translation was thus left lying around for quite some years before it was finally printed, perhaps due to the fact that it was an unfinished text, Bacon himself seems to have concerned himself a great deal with the Latin translation of the work (as well as the other works). The appearance of them in the ""universal language"" were, in the words of Bacon himself to be carried out 'for the benefit of other nations', a phrase which is paralleled in the text of ""Nova Atlantis"", as the father of Salomon's House remarks of his relation of the institution's working that 'I giue thee leave to Publish it"" for the Good of other Nations'. And finally does this great work appear to the benefit of all men and all nations, in the universal Latin language, when in 1638 Rawley publishes the ""Operum moralium"", in which his ""Essays"" also appear in Latin for the first time, as does the History of Henry VII, and the Dialogue on the Holy War, two other greatly important works. The printed title of the ""Operum Moralium"" not only informs the reader which texts are included within the volume" Rawley also provides information on the texts themselves, dividing them into two distinct sections (with two separate title-pages). The first section consists of five translations which (apart from De sapientia) had never appeared in Latin translation before" the second section consists in the first part of the ""Instauratio"" (originally published in 1620). The second issue of the ""Operum Moralium"" furthermore has the reissued sheets of the last part of the ""Novum organum"".Rawley's prefatory letter tells us quite a bit about the way that he (and Bacon himself) would like the ""Nova Atlantis"" to be viewed, and for the first time the work is addressed in a direct and assertive manner, bringing it forth as an important philosophical work, now for the first time properly introduced. Rawley informs the reader that Bacon began the process of translating the Essays and the Nova Atlantis, because he wished his moral and political works not to perish. He goes on to explain the importance of the moral and political works being published in the ""universal"" Latin and groups the texts in a new way. He now makes a new category of text for the final two works, ""De bello sacro"" and ""Nova Atlantis"", calling them 'fragmentary', as opposed to the ""Worke Unfinished"" that he used for the English ""Now Atlantis"" of 1626/7, stating that this is at the request of Bacon himself: ""And finally he ordered that two fragments be added, the Dialogue of the Holy War, and the New Atlantis: but he said that these were the three kinds of fragments."", giving to them a certain status of their own and a deliberate character that they had not possessed before. For the first time, the ""Nova Atlantis"", the hitherto hidden-away work that was never properly introduced, is now included in the general preface, which it was not in 1626/27, and the ""Nova Atlantis"" is given the central position within Bacon's works that it deserved - and that it has possessed ever since. This also explains the great impact of the first Latin version of the ""Nova Atlantis"" as opposed to the English version, which was far less influential. Not only is ""Nova Atlantis"" no longer just an unfinished work worthy of no more than being hidden away at the back of a larger work, it is now the central part of a seminal collection of works appearing for the first time in Latin ""for the Good of other Nations"".""Francis Bacon (1561-1626) was one of the leading figures in natural philosophy and in the field of scientific methodology in the period of transition from the Renaissance to the early modern era. As a lawyer, member of Parliament, and Queen's Counsel, Bacon wrote on questions of law, state and religion, as well as on contemporary politics"" but he also published texts in which he speculated on possible conceptions of society, and he pondered questions of ethics (Essays) even in his works on natural philosophy (The Advancement of Learning).After his studies at Trinity College, Cambridge and Gray's Inn, London, Bacon did not take up a post at a university, but instead tried to start a political career. Although his efforts were not crowned with success during the era of Queen Elizabeth, under James I he rose to the highest political office, Lord Chancellor. Bacon's international fame and influence spread during his last years, when he was able to focus his energies exclusively on his philosophical work, and even more so after his death, when English scientists of the Boyle circle (Invisible College) took up his idea of a cooperative research institution in their plans and preparations for establishing the Royal Society.To the present day Bacon is well known for his treatises on empiricist natural philosophy (The Advancement of Learning, Novum Organum Scientiarum) and for his doctrine of the idols, which he put forward in his early writings, as well as for the idea of a modern research institute, which he described in Nova Atlantis."" (SEP). Gibson: 196" Lowndes I:96.‎

‎Opera Philosophica, Quae Latinè scripsit, Omnia. Antè quidem per partes, nunc autem, post cognitas omnium Objectiones, conjunctim & accuratiùs Edita. [8 parts]. [Including ""leviathan"" for the first time in Latin]. - [CONTAINING THE EDITIO PRINCEPS OF THE LATIN TRANSLATION OF ""LEVIATHAN""]‎

‎Amsterdam, Apud Ioannem Blaeu, 1668. 4to. All eight parts bound in two excellent, contemporary full vellum bindings with yapp edges and neat handwritten titles to spines. Some sections of leaves quite browned, due to the paper quality, but the greater part of the leaves (and all the plates) is crisp and bright. An excellent copy. Woodcut printer's device to title-page, woodcut initials an vignettes, woodcut and engraved text-illustrations (diagrams). (4) pp., folded engraved portrait of Hobbes (W. Faithorne sculp)folded, 40 pp. + pp. 40,b-m, pp. 41-44 + 2 plates" 146 pp. + 1 blank + 1 plate (8), 261, (1) pp. + 1 blank + 13 plates 86 pp. + 1 blank + 8 plates (16), 174 pp. + 1 blank 42 pp. + 1 blank + 1 plate 64 pp + 5 plates" (4), 365, (15 - Indices, incl. errata and ""Scripturae Sacrae"") pp. + 1 blank. - I.e. fully complete, with all 30 folded, engraved plates (depicting diagrams), all half-titles, and all blanks. Conforming exactly to the Macdonald&Hargreaves collation (our copy without the ""Quadratura Circuli"", which, according to Macdonald&Hargreaves, is ""probably a later insertion"", but which ""is included in some copies and has a title-page of it's own"". Copies without this part, which does not actually belong to the edition, are early and more desireable. Most copies have this later inserted part and thus 31 plates).‎

‎The extremely scarce first edition of the first collected edition of Hobbes' works, being the most desirable, the most sought-after and by far the most important. It is to this collected edition that one still refers when quoting Hobbes' works academically. It is furthermore here that Hobbes' seminal main work, Leviathan, appears for the first time in Latin.It is a great rarity to find all eight parts of this seminal edition, all of which were probably also sold separately from the printer, together and complete. Another edition of the work appeared later the same year, also with Amsterdam, Blaeu imprint, but actually printed in London. That edition, which is the one found in most library-holdings, is much more common and far less desireable, albeit still rare. ""Il faut voir si les huit parties indiquées sur un f. après le frontispiece sont réunies dans l'exempl. Il y a une édit. moins complète faite à Londres, sous la même dat"" on y lit sur le frontispice, après le nom de Blaeu: ""prostant etiam Londini apud Corn. Bee"". Le portrait de Hobbes, par Faithorne, a été ajouté à quelques exemplaires."" (Brunet III:239-40).""According to Macdonald&Hargreaves, ""[t]here seems to be no uniformity in the order of arrangement of the eight sections of this work. We have seen three (2 vol.) copies bound in the order given on *2r (q.v. in contents) and have arranged the collaction the same way."" Our copy is bound in exactly this way. The hugely important ""Opera Philosophica... Omnia"", or ""Opera Omnia"" as it is often referred to, constitutes Hobbes' only successful attempt to have his philosophy published during the period. In 1662 the Licensing Act, a statute requiring that all books had to be approved in advance of publication by the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of London, was enforced, after which Hobbes found himself completely barred from having his political, theological, and historical works published. After his hugely successful 1668 Latin ""Opera Omnia"", printed in Amsterdam, he did not dare publish his works abroad either, however, and the ""Opera Omnia"" remained the only important philosophical or political work of his to be published during the period. It was a great sales success. The most important part of the 8 part comprising ""Opera Omnia"" is the 378 page long final part, which constitutes the editio princeps of the Latin translation of Hobbes' groundbreaking main work, the work from which the ""social contract"" theory originates, his seminal ""Leviathan. ""The Latin ""Leviathan"" was published towards the end of 1668 within the framework of an edition of Hobbes's collected Latin works, the so-called ""Opera Omnia"" [i.e. Opera Philosophica... Omnia], published with Johan Blaeu in Amsterdam. ""Leviathan, sive De Metria, Forma, & Potestate Civitatis Ecclesisticae et Civilis. Authore Thoma Hobbes, Malmesburiensi"" is the eighth and last piece of this collection and the only one published there (in Latin) for the first time"" it is therefore the only text to receive (on its last page) a list of errata. The three chapters making up an ""Appendix ad Leviatham"" (and replacing the ""Review and Conclusion"" of the English edition) need not detain us here, as they are proper to the Latin version. We only want to note in passing that the few translations from the English ""Leviathan"" contained in the last chapter of his ""Appendix"" was worked out independently of the translation and in fact prior to it."" (Rogers, Karl Schuhmann, ""Thomas Hobbes Leviathan, Vol. 1"", p. 241).Not only is this the first Latin edition of Hobbes' main work, it is furthermore of great importance to the study of the Leviathan and to the understanding of the development of Hobbes' thought. All later editions of the Latin version of ""Leviathan"" are greatly corrected and none of them appear in the same version as the present one, which provides us with the text in the form that comes closest to what Hobbes himself desired his masterpiece to be. ""[...] Given these results, we may conclude that LL [i.e. the 1668 Latin Leviathan] should be counted an important source for the text of the English ""Leviathan"". LL is definitely more than a translation that teaches us little or nothing about the text translated. On the contrary, it is based on an independent manuscript copy of ""Leviathan"", and more specifically on a copy Hobbes had kept with him all the time and had apparently continued to annotate and correct. The variants of LL must therefore be treated with the greatest care wherever there are textual problems in ""Leviathan"", and not only in those cases in which the text of all English versions is defective. Even where it is a matter of deciding between given variants, LL should have an important, if not decisive voice. Given the fact that LL was worked out integrally by Hobbes at a rather late date, it must also be considered to contain his last decisions regarding the text as a whole. (Rogers, Karl Schuhmann, ""Thomas Hobbes Leviathan, Vol. 1"", p. 249).Soon after this first Latin edition, many others appeared:""So far, when speaking of LL [i.e. Leviathan in the Latin version] and quoting this work, we have always and only been referring to its 1668 edition as published within Hobbes' ""Opera Omnia"". But there were also other editions after that date. The first of these appeared in 1670 as a separate edition. It has, unsurprisingly the same imprint as the 1668 edition, for it was published as before with Johan Blaeu, who only added to the title page the bibliographical information ""Amstelodami, Apud Joannem Blaeu. M.DC.LXX."" Another separate edition was published ""Londini. Apud Johannem Tomsoni. M.DC.LXXVI."" and a third one, also with John Thom(p)son, ""Londini Typis Joannis Thomsonii, M.DC.LXXVIII.""."" (Rogers, Karl Schuhmann, ""Thomas Hobbes Leviathan, Vol. 1"", p. 250).Macdonad&Hargreaves: 104" Brunet III:239-40.‎

‎[Tetrabiblos]. Hoc in libro nunquam ante typis aeneis in lucem edita haec insunt. [Greek:] KLAUDIOU ptolemaiou plousieos tetrabiblos sotaxis, pros Syron adelfos. TOU AUTOU karpos, pros ton auton Syros. [Latin:] Claudii Ptolemaei Pelusiensis libri quat... - [EDITIO PRINCEPS OF ""THE BIBLE OF ASTROLOGY""]‎

‎Norimbergae [Nürnberg], (Apud Ioannem Petreium), 1535. 4to. Bound in a beautiful contemporary full blindstamped vellum binding over wooden boards. Boards with blindstamped borders with portraits of Marcus, Johannes, Mattheus, Lucas, inside which large square blindstamped centre-piece with floriated decorations and small portriats. Three raised bands to back. Brass clasps to boards partially preserved. A bit of overall wear and general use. Overall a very nice and tight copy. Internally very nice and clean with only a bit of occasional minor brownspotting and soiling. Two leaves with a spot to outer margin (looks like remain of wax or lacquer), far from affecting text. Last four leaves of Greek text with dampstaining. First leaf of Latin text with coloured initial and a couple of red and green underlinings. Woodcut initials. First ab. 10 leaves of text with neat contemporary annotations in Latin and Greek. (6),59, (4) ff. + 84, (24) ff. (The four leaves in between the Greek and the Latin text being the title page: ""Librorum de Iudiciis Astrologicis quatuor, duo priores conuersi in linguam Latinam à Ioachimo Camerario Pabergense. Annotatiunculae in eosdem. Aliquot loci translati de tertio & quarto libro Ptolemaei, per eundem Camerarium."", two leaves of preface/dedication, dated 1535, one blank).‎

‎The very rare first Greek/Latin edition, i.e. the editio princeps of the Greek text and the first edition of Camerarius' seminal translation into Latin (directly from the Greek), of Ptolemy's famous textbook of astrology known under the name ""Tetrabiblos"" or ""Quadripartitum"", derived from its four books, the work which ""ranks as the Bible of Astrology"" (Stillwell) and which Ptolemy himself considered the natural complement to his ""Almagest"": ""as the latter enables one to predict the positions of the heavenly bodies, so the former expounds the theory of their influences on terrestrial things."" (D.S.B. XI:198). The present edition also contains the editio princeps of the Greek text of the ""Karpos"", or ""Centiloquium"" (because of its 100 aphorisms), erroneously attributed to Ptolemy, as well as Pontano's famous Latin version of it.The ""Tetrabiblos"" is considered one of, if not the, most important surviving ancient texts on astrology, and its impact and influence on this field has been immense. It was by far the most popular astrological work of Antiquity and it also greatly influenced the Islamic world, the Medieval Latin West, and the Renaissance. It was reprinted continuously for centuries, and its great popularity is often attributed to the fact that it is a textbook on the art of astrology itself and a ""scientific"" defense of it rather than a mere manual instructing lay people on how to practice the art. ""Of Ptolemy's genuine works the most germane to and significant for our investigation is his ""Tetrabiblos"", ""Quadripartium"", or four books on the control of human life by the stars... In the ""Tetrabiblos"" the art of astrology receives sanction and exposition from perhaps the ablest mathematician and closest scientific observer of the day or at least from one who seemed so for succeeding generations. Hence from that time on astrology was able to take shelter from any criticism under the aegis of his authority..."" (Thorndike I:111).As opposed to the ""Karpos"", almost all research points to the fact that the ""Tetrabiblon"" must genuinely be by Ptolemy, and as such, it is to be considered of the greatest importance, not only to astrology, the history and impact of the science, but also to astronomy and to the understanding of the man who wrote one of the most important astronomical works of all times. In the ""Tetrabiblos"" Ptolemy first discusses the validity of the art of judicial astrology, and the introductory chapters are devoted to defending astrology against charges that it is uncertain and useless. According to Ptolemy, the laws of astronomy are beyond dispute, but the art of predicting human affairs from the movement of the stars should be attacked using more reason than that, and his main argument is that one should not reject the art itself merely because it can be abused, and frequently is, by impostors, or because it is an art not yet fully developed and may be difficult to handle properly. In book I Ptolemy goes on to explain the technical concepts of astrology, in book II, the influences on the earth in general, and in books II and IV, the influences on human life. ""Although often dependent on earlier authorities, Ptolemy often develops his own dogma. The discussion in books III and IV is confined to what can be deduced from a man's horoscope..."" (D.S.B. XI:198). ""The great influence of the ""Tetrabiblos"" is shown not only in medieval Arabic commentaries and Latin translations, but more immediately in the astrological writings of the declining Roman Empire, when such astrologers as Hephaestion of Thebes, Paul of Alexandria, and Julius Firmicus Maternus cite it as a leading authoritative work. Only the opponents of astrology appear to have remained ignorant of the ""Tetrabiblos"", continuing to make criticisms of the art which do not apply to Ptolemy's presentation of it or which had been specifically answered by him."" (Thorndike I: 115-16).Camerarius's translation of the ""Tetrabiblon"", here printed for the first time, is probably the most important and influential of the many Latin versions of the text. It is considered the best, most widely used, and most important for the spreading of Ptolemaean astrology in the Renaissance, where this came to play a great role at the universities and beyond. ""Melanchton never doubted the scientific accuracy of astrology. For instance, in 1535 Joachim Camerarius' edition of Ptolemy's ""Tetrabiblos"" was warmly received by Melanchton"" in the same year he began lecturing on Ptolemy's work at Wittenberg and stressed the scientific character of the work in his opening address. And in the following year he commented on the second book, beginning with an exhortation to appreciate the philosophical arguments of the first book..."" (Stefano Caroti in: Paolo Zambelli edt., ""Astrologi hallucinati"" Stars and the End of the World in Luther's Time, 1986, p. 113).It is widely accepted that it is the present first Greek/Latin-edition, i.e. the editio princeps of the Greek text together with Camerarius' Latin version of it, that has played the most dominant role in the spreading and interpreting of Ptolemy's astrology in the Renaissance. Astrology, as derived from Classical Antiquity, with Ptolemy as the greatest exponent of them all, came to play a seminal role in Renaissance understanding of both exact sciences and philosophy, and thus this period witnessed a huge number of discussions and interpretations of astrology in general, but of the astrology of Ptolemy's ""Tetrabiblion"" in particular. Many of the main proponents of Ptolemy's astrology in the Renaissance are known specifically to have owned or read the present Greek/Latin edition and refer to Camerarius' Latin version and to the original Greek text which had now become available for the first time. ‎