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GRIFFE Georges
Latin 4°
Bordas. 1965. In-8. Cartonné. Bon état, Couv. convenable, Dos satisfaisant, Intérieur frais. 320 pp. Illustrations n&b. Quelques annotations personnelles au crayon à l'intérieur.. . . . Classification Dewey : 470-Langues italiques. Latin
Reference : ROD0012300
Classification Dewey : 470-Langues italiques. Latin
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5 book(s) with the same title
Operum moralium et civilium.... - [LARGE-PAPER COPY - FIRST ED. IN LATIN OF ""NOVA ATLANTIS"" AND THE ""ESSAYS""]
London, Edward Griffin [John Haviland, Bernard Norton, and John Bill], Richard Whitaker [& John Norton], 1638. Folio. (Binding: 32x22 cm, leaves: 31,1x20,8 cm.). Contemporary full speckled calf binding with six raised bands and gilt red leather title-label to spine. Boards with blindstamped ornamental border. Scuff marks to boards and hinges worn, so bands showing. Large woodcut head- and tail-pieces, initials, printer's devices, and typographical ornaments (that have been of great significance to the Baconians in their attempts to establish Bacon as the author of the works attributed to Shakespeare). Roman and Italic lettering, and some Greek. Several neat inscriptions to front free end-papers and verso of frontispiece, in Latin, Greek, English, and German, dated 1704, 1740, and 1926, the last being a presentation-inscription for the renowned German Bacon-scholar and noted Baconian George J. Pfeiffer. Neat early 18th century inscription to top of title-page. Old description of the copy (1946) neatly pasted on to inside of front board. Vague minor damp-staining to lower margin throughout, far from affecting text, and mostly barely visible. A vague minor dampstain to margins of a few leaves at the beginning, also far from affecting text. All in all a lovely, clean and crisp copy on large paper. Full page engraved frontispiece-portrait + (14), 386 (pp. 177-78 omitted in pagination)"" (16), 475, (1) pp. Fully complete, with separate half-titles for the different works.
Scarce first edition, first issue, on large paper - THE GREAT BOOK COLLECTOR VOLLBEHR'S COPY, GIVEN TO THE IMPORTANT BACONIAN G.J. PFEIFFER - of the monumental first collected edition of the works of Francis Bacon, containing the seminal first printing in Latin of not only his greatly influential ""Nova Atlantis"" (""The New Atlantis"" - often referred to as ""the blueprint for the founding of America""), but also his groundbreaking Essays (""Sermones Fideli"") as well as his history of Henry VII (""Historiam Regni Henrici Septimi"") and his Dialogue on the Holy War (""Dialogum de Bello Sacro""), published by Bacon's literary executor, his close friend William Ramsey, to whom Bacon bequeathed most of his manuscripts. This first edition of his works in Latin is of the utmost importance to Bacon-scholarship and has played a seminal role in the spreading of his works as well as the understanding of two of his greatest achievements, The Essays and The Nova Atlantis, which is usually referred to with its Latin title instead of the English.This magnificent copy with its wide margins contains several interesting inscriptions in different languages. One of them, 19th century, in German states that ""This book is to remind you of the ""15th Century Plot"". When, in 1926, you showed to scholars his collection of 2000 incunables. He is also known as ""Otto H.F. Vollbehr., [...]"" - "" Dated ""N. York City 29/11 26"" And in the same hand, the presentation inscription is continued: ""This ""little book"" is being handed over in friendship to Mr. George J. Pfeiffer the famous ""Bacon-scholar"" in order for him to continue his fruitful studies [...]."" -THE PRESENT COPY THUS EVIDENTLY BEING THE GREAT BOOK COLLECTOR VOLLBEHR'S COPY, GIVEN TO THE IMPORTANT BACONIAN PFEIFFER. ""Vollbehr was a German industrial chemist turned book collector who at the close of World War I found himself with more assets than most. Either in his own collection or through consignment Vollbehr had control of thousands of incunabula. In 1926 Vollbehr came to the United States, bringing with him a collection of 3,000 incunabula to be exhibited at the Eucharistic Congress in Chicago. After the exhibition in Chicago, Vollbehr traveled with the collection by train to several other cities. His last stop was in Washington, and over 100 of the books were exhibited in the Great Hall of the Library of Congress. Vollbehr proposed that if a benefactor would step forward to buy the collection for an American institution for half the asking price of $1.5 million, he would donate the other half. In addition, he would include a complete copy of the Gutenberg Bible printed on vellum as one of the 3,000 incunabula.The Gutenberg Bible which crowned Vollbehr's collection had had only three owners. The first owner was said to have been Johann Fust, who took it to Paris and sold it as a manuscript to a representative of the monks of Saint Blasius. It resided with the monks in the Black Forest until they had to move to St. Paul in Carinthia in the face of the Napoleonic army. Finally, in 1926, Otto Vollbehr purchased the three volumes from the monks for $250,000.In December 1929, a bill was presented to Congress proposing that public funds be used to acquire the Vollbehr collection for the Library of Congress. In June 1930 Congress passed the bill and President Hoover signed it into law. Between July 15 and September 3 the Vollbehr books arrived at the Library of Congress. The Bible, one of three known perfect copies printed on vellum, is one of only a few items that are permanently on display in the Library."" (from the Library of Congress web-site). George J. Pfeiffer, Ph. D., of New York, graduate of Harvard University, and Vice-president of the Bacon Society of America, is considered one of the most important Bacon-scholars of his time. His thorough scientific studies convinced himself and many others that Bacon was in fact the author of the works attributed to Shakespeare. With THE FIRST PRINTING IN LATIN OF ""NOVA ATLANTIS"", Bacon's famous theories of his masterly utopian work became widespread and hugely influential. It had originally been printed, posthumously, in English and appeared at the very end of his ""Sylva Sylvarum"" of 1626, where it was more or less hidden away and quite humbly presented by Rawley, who was responsible for his leftover papers. Rawley's introduction to the Latin edition of the work is quite different from that of the English edition and has had quite an impact upon the reception of the work, a work which came to inspire a totally new philosophical and political genre and which fundamentally changed the way that we view the world. The ""Nova Atlantis"" occupies a unique place within the works of Bacon"" among many other things, it is the only overtly fictional product of his career (if one does not, like Pheiffer, believe that he is actually the true author of the Shakespearean works). The printing of this major work in the history of man's thought is quite interesting and fairly complicated. As mentioned, it appeared at the back of the larger, and much more conform, work ""Sylva Sylvarum"", which was published by his secretary and friend William Rawley shortly after Bacon's death. It does not, however, seem to have much in common with the ""Sylva Sylvarum"", and the ""New Atlantis"" was not even mentioned when that work entered the Stationers' Register on July 4th, 1626.The ""Sylva Sylvarum"" was being compiled during the last couple of years of Bacon's life, and there is evidence to conclude that ""Nova Atlantis"" was being translated into Latin at the same time, whereas it seems that the English version of it was written about a year or two earlier. Although the Latin translation was thus left lying around for quite some years before it was finally printed, perhaps due to the fact that it was an unfinished text, Bacon himself seems to have concerned himself a great deal with the Latin translation of the work (as well as the other works). The appearance of them in the ""universal language"" were, in the words of Bacon himself to be carried out 'for the benefit of other nations', a phrase which is paralleled in the text of ""Nova Atlantis"", as the father of Salomon's House remarks of his relation of the institution's working that 'I giue thee leave to Publish it"" for the Good of other Nations'. And finally does this great work appear to the benefit of all men and all nations, in the universal Latin language, when in 1638 Rawley publishes the ""Operum moralium"", in which his ""Essays"" also appear in Latin for the first time, as does the History of Henry VII, and the Dialogue on the Holy War, two other greatly important works. The printed title of the ""Operum Moralium"" not only informs the reader which texts are included within the volume" Rawley also provides information on the texts themselves, dividing them into two distinct sections (with two separate title-pages). The first section consists of five translations which (apart from De sapientia) had never appeared in Latin translation before" the second section consists in the first part of the ""Instauratio"" (originally published in 1620). The second issue of the ""Operum Moralium"" furthermore has the reissued sheets of the last part of the ""Novum organum"".Rawley's prefatory letter tells us quite a bit about the way that he (and Bacon himself) would like the ""Nova Atlantis"" to be viewed, and for the first time the work is addressed in a direct and assertive manner, bringing it forth as an important philosophical work, now for the first time properly introduced. Rawley informs the reader that Bacon began the process of translating the Essays and the Nova Atlantis, because he wished his moral and political works not to perish. He goes on to explain the importance of the moral and political works being published in the ""universal"" Latin and groups the texts in a new way. He now makes a new category of text for the final two works, ""De bello sacro"" and ""Nova Atlantis"", calling them 'fragmentary', as opposed to the ""Worke Unfinished"" that he used for the English ""Now Atlantis"" of 1626/7, stating that this is at the request of Bacon himself: ""And finally he ordered that two fragments be added, the Dialogue of the Holy War, and the New Atlantis: but he said that these were the three kinds of fragments."", giving to them a certain status of their own and a deliberate character that they had not possessed before. For the first time, the ""Nova Atlantis"", the hitherto hidden-away work that was never properly introduced, is now included in the general preface, which it was not in 1626/27, and the ""Nova Atlantis"" is given the central position within Bacon's works that it deserved - and that it has possessed ever since. This also explains the great impact of the first Latin version of the ""Nova Atlantis"" as opposed to the English version, which was far less influential. Not only is ""Nova Atlantis"" no longer just an unfinished work worthy of no more than being hidden away at the back of a larger work, it is now the central part of a seminal collection of works appearing for the first time in Latin ""for the Good of other Nations"".""Francis Bacon (1561-1626) was one of the leading figures in natural philosophy and in the field of scientific methodology in the period of transition from the Renaissance to the early modern era. As a lawyer, member of Parliament, and Queen's Counsel, Bacon wrote on questions of law, state and religion, as well as on contemporary politics"" but he also published texts in which he speculated on possible conceptions of society, and he pondered questions of ethics (Essays) even in his works on natural philosophy (The Advancement of Learning).After his studies at Trinity College, Cambridge and Gray's Inn, London, Bacon did not take up a post at a university, but instead tried to start a political career. Although his efforts were not crowned with success during the era of Queen Elizabeth, under James I he rose to the highest political office, Lord Chancellor. Bacon's international fame and influence spread during his last years, when he was able to focus his energies exclusively on his philosophical work, and even more so after his death, when English scientists of the Boyle circle (Invisible College) took up his idea of a cooperative research institution in their plans and preparations for establishing the Royal Society.To the present day Bacon is well known for his treatises on empiricist natural philosophy (The Advancement of Learning, Novum Organum Scientiarum) and for his doctrine of the idols, which he put forward in his early writings, as well as for the idea of a modern research institute, which he described in Nova Atlantis."" (SEP). Gibson: 196" Lowndes I:96.
Anacreontis teii antiquitissimi poëtae Lyrici Odae, ab Helia Andre Latinae factae. - [ANDRÉ'S SEMINAL LATIN TRANSLATION OF THE ANACREONTEA]
Lutetiae (i.e. Paris), Robert Stephanum (i.e. Robert Estienne) & Guillaume Morel, 1556. Small 8vo. Lovely newer full marbled paper binding with gilt leather title-label to spine (Jens E. Hansen, Aarhus). Light brownspotting to a few leaves and somne leaves towards the end with inkspotting at outer blank margin. Early neat handwritten marginal annotations throughout. A lovely copy. 54 pp.
Scarce second edition of Elie André’s seminal Latin translation of the Anacreontea – the first complete - which itself is a classic in the history of classical literature. It came to directly influence all later readings of Anacreon. In 1554, Henri Estienne II published the seminal editio princeps of Anacreon, which is no less than an outright Renaissance sensation, causing the “Anacreaonta” to become the most influential “ancient” Greek poetic text during the Renaissance, initiating a poetic revolution in Europe. Simultaneously with this editio princeps, Henri Estienne published his own Latin translation of it, which constitutes the first translation into Latin. Merely a year later, in 1555, Elie André extremely important translation of the Anacreaontea appeared, in 1555, printed by Thomas Richard. This translation included additional Odes not in the Estienne edition and was thus the first complete Latin translation of the “Anacreontia”. The following year, 1556, Robert Estienne II published his first work, namely a second edition of the original Greek Anacreontea that Henri Estienne had published in 1554. Silmultaneously, Robert Estienne republished Elie André’s Latin translation, which was published separately, but which is often found together with the 1556 second edition of the Greek Anacreontea. “The first full translation of CA was again in Latin. It was published by the humanist Elie André (1509-1587) from Bordeaux, who was friendly with the Parisian circle around the Pléiade. André’s translation appeared less than a year after Estienne’s edition and comprised the Latin translation only, without the Greek text. In a way, this can be taken as a signal that the Latin tradition was coming into its own. Accordingly, André makes some bolder choices in his translation, which already shows in his first lines (see Aiijr): Cantare nunc Atridas, Nunc expetesso Cadmum: Testudo vero nervis Solum refert Amorem (…). In classical Latin, the verb expetessere is used only by Plautus (and it is extremely rare in postclassical Latin). This brings a somewhat odd ring of comedy to the poem. Here, and in a number of other places, the translator wishes to strike his readers with an unusual turn of phrase or by some sort of amplification. He does not just imitate ‘Anacreon’, but also competes with him (as arguably with Estienne’s translation). André’s willingness to adapt the original text shows also in a certain moralistic tendency not otherwise seen in Latin translations. On the one hand, he openly and avowedly changes the text when it comes to unequivocal references to homosexuality: in CA 12 (10).8-10 (τ? µευ καλ?ν ?νε?ρων […] ?φ?ρπασας Β?θυλλον “Why from my sweet dreams […] have you snatched away Bathyllus?”), for instance, he replaces Bathyllus with a puella (Cur mane somnianti / Ista loquacitate / Mihi eripis puellam?),… in CA 29 (17).1-2 (Γρ?φε µοι Β?θυλλον ο?τω / τ?ν ?τα?ρον ?ς διδ?σκω, “Paint for me thus Bathyllus, my lover, just as I instruct you”) he simply suppresses the word ?τα?ρον, “lover” (Mihi pinge sic Bathyllum / ... Estienne’s translation is: Meos Bathyllum amores, / Ut te docebo pinge). Here, André proceeds in a way similar to the original Neo-Latin Anacreontics, in which homosexual love simply does not occur. On the other hand, André makes generous use of a metatextual element which is less conspicuous than his changes, but is even more extensive and significant. He includes a considerable number of passages in quotation marks and thus identifies them as sort of sententiae. In CA 4 (32), for instance, lines 1-6 describe how the poet wishes to lie down on myrtles, drink, and have Eros as his wine steward. This description of a specific setting is followed by some more general lines about the brevity of life, which André includes in quotation marks (lines 7- 10): “Cita nanque currit aetas, / Rota ceu voluta currus. / Sed et ossibus solutis / Iaceam cinis necesse est” (“For hurried life runs along just like a rolling wheel, but I shall soon lie, a bit of dust from crumbling bones”). The focus of this quotation technique is on lines concerned with the transitory nature of life, the uncertainness of tomorrow, and the futility of riches. By marking out such lines as sententiae, André distinguishes Anacreon the philosopher from Anacreon the drinker and lover and contributes to a larger discourse about the morality of the poet and his poems. While opinions in antiquity were often critical of Anacreon’s morals, ‘Anacreon’s’ large flock of modern imitators was united to defend their hero’s virtue. From Estienne’s preface onwards they usually referred to Plato’s Phaedrus 235c, where Socrates calls Anacreon “wise” (σοφ?ς) in matters concerned with Eros. In the 18th century, Anacreon, the philosopher, could even turn into a key-image of enligthened discourses. André’s identification of sententiae in ‘Anacreon’ prepared for this development and could have had a direct influence on it since his translation was widely read until well into the 18th century. The Latin translations of Estienne and André soon became classics in themselves and were the most successful ones in the early modern period.” (Tilg: Neo-Latin Anacreontic Poetry. Its Shape(s) and Its Significance, 214. Pp. 177-78). Brunet: I:250 Renouard: I:(161).
Opera Philosophica, Quae Latinè scripsit, Omnia. Antè quidem per partes, nunc autem, post cognitas omnium Objectiones, conjunctim & accuratiùs Edita. [8 parts]. [Including ""leviathan"" for the first time in Latin]. - [CONTAINING THE EDITIO PRINCEPS OF THE LATIN TRANSLATION OF ""LEVIATHAN""]
Amsterdam, Apud Ioannem Blaeu, 1668. 4to. All eight parts bound in two excellent, contemporary full vellum bindings with yapp edges and neat handwritten titles to spines. Some sections of leaves quite browned, due to the paper quality, but the greater part of the leaves (and all the plates) is crisp and bright. An excellent copy. Woodcut printer's device to title-page, woodcut initials an vignettes, woodcut and engraved text-illustrations (diagrams). (4) pp., folded engraved portrait of Hobbes (W. Faithorne sculp)folded, 40 pp. + pp. 40,b-m, pp. 41-44 + 2 plates" 146 pp. + 1 blank + 1 plate (8), 261, (1) pp. + 1 blank + 13 plates 86 pp. + 1 blank + 8 plates (16), 174 pp. + 1 blank 42 pp. + 1 blank + 1 plate 64 pp + 5 plates" (4), 365, (15 - Indices, incl. errata and ""Scripturae Sacrae"") pp. + 1 blank. - I.e. fully complete, with all 30 folded, engraved plates (depicting diagrams), all half-titles, and all blanks. Conforming exactly to the Macdonald&Hargreaves collation (our copy without the ""Quadratura Circuli"", which, according to Macdonald&Hargreaves, is ""probably a later insertion"", but which ""is included in some copies and has a title-page of it's own"". Copies without this part, which does not actually belong to the edition, are early and more desireable. Most copies have this later inserted part and thus 31 plates).
The extremely scarce first edition of the first collected edition of Hobbes' works, being the most desirable, the most sought-after and by far the most important. It is to this collected edition that one still refers when quoting Hobbes' works academically. It is furthermore here that Hobbes' seminal main work, Leviathan, appears for the first time in Latin.It is a great rarity to find all eight parts of this seminal edition, all of which were probably also sold separately from the printer, together and complete. Another edition of the work appeared later the same year, also with Amsterdam, Blaeu imprint, but actually printed in London. That edition, which is the one found in most library-holdings, is much more common and far less desireable, albeit still rare. ""Il faut voir si les huit parties indiquées sur un f. après le frontispiece sont réunies dans l'exempl. Il y a une édit. moins complète faite à Londres, sous la même dat"" on y lit sur le frontispice, après le nom de Blaeu: ""prostant etiam Londini apud Corn. Bee"". Le portrait de Hobbes, par Faithorne, a été ajouté à quelques exemplaires."" (Brunet III:239-40).""According to Macdonald&Hargreaves, ""[t]here seems to be no uniformity in the order of arrangement of the eight sections of this work. We have seen three (2 vol.) copies bound in the order given on *2r (q.v. in contents) and have arranged the collaction the same way."" Our copy is bound in exactly this way. The hugely important ""Opera Philosophica... Omnia"", or ""Opera Omnia"" as it is often referred to, constitutes Hobbes' only successful attempt to have his philosophy published during the period. In 1662 the Licensing Act, a statute requiring that all books had to be approved in advance of publication by the Archbishop of Canterbury or the Bishop of London, was enforced, after which Hobbes found himself completely barred from having his political, theological, and historical works published. After his hugely successful 1668 Latin ""Opera Omnia"", printed in Amsterdam, he did not dare publish his works abroad either, however, and the ""Opera Omnia"" remained the only important philosophical or political work of his to be published during the period. It was a great sales success. The most important part of the 8 part comprising ""Opera Omnia"" is the 378 page long final part, which constitutes the editio princeps of the Latin translation of Hobbes' groundbreaking main work, the work from which the ""social contract"" theory originates, his seminal ""Leviathan. ""The Latin ""Leviathan"" was published towards the end of 1668 within the framework of an edition of Hobbes's collected Latin works, the so-called ""Opera Omnia"" [i.e. Opera Philosophica... Omnia], published with Johan Blaeu in Amsterdam. ""Leviathan, sive De Metria, Forma, & Potestate Civitatis Ecclesisticae et Civilis. Authore Thoma Hobbes, Malmesburiensi"" is the eighth and last piece of this collection and the only one published there (in Latin) for the first time"" it is therefore the only text to receive (on its last page) a list of errata. The three chapters making up an ""Appendix ad Leviatham"" (and replacing the ""Review and Conclusion"" of the English edition) need not detain us here, as they are proper to the Latin version. We only want to note in passing that the few translations from the English ""Leviathan"" contained in the last chapter of his ""Appendix"" was worked out independently of the translation and in fact prior to it."" (Rogers, Karl Schuhmann, ""Thomas Hobbes Leviathan, Vol. 1"", p. 241).Not only is this the first Latin edition of Hobbes' main work, it is furthermore of great importance to the study of the Leviathan and to the understanding of the development of Hobbes' thought. All later editions of the Latin version of ""Leviathan"" are greatly corrected and none of them appear in the same version as the present one, which provides us with the text in the form that comes closest to what Hobbes himself desired his masterpiece to be. ""[...] Given these results, we may conclude that LL [i.e. the 1668 Latin Leviathan] should be counted an important source for the text of the English ""Leviathan"". LL is definitely more than a translation that teaches us little or nothing about the text translated. On the contrary, it is based on an independent manuscript copy of ""Leviathan"", and more specifically on a copy Hobbes had kept with him all the time and had apparently continued to annotate and correct. The variants of LL must therefore be treated with the greatest care wherever there are textual problems in ""Leviathan"", and not only in those cases in which the text of all English versions is defective. Even where it is a matter of deciding between given variants, LL should have an important, if not decisive voice. Given the fact that LL was worked out integrally by Hobbes at a rather late date, it must also be considered to contain his last decisions regarding the text as a whole. (Rogers, Karl Schuhmann, ""Thomas Hobbes Leviathan, Vol. 1"", p. 249).Soon after this first Latin edition, many others appeared:""So far, when speaking of LL [i.e. Leviathan in the Latin version] and quoting this work, we have always and only been referring to its 1668 edition as published within Hobbes' ""Opera Omnia"". But there were also other editions after that date. The first of these appeared in 1670 as a separate edition. It has, unsurprisingly the same imprint as the 1668 edition, for it was published as before with Johan Blaeu, who only added to the title page the bibliographical information ""Amstelodami, Apud Joannem Blaeu. M.DC.LXX."" Another separate edition was published ""Londini. Apud Johannem Tomsoni. M.DC.LXXVI."" and a third one, also with John Thom(p)son, ""Londini Typis Joannis Thomsonii, M.DC.LXXVIII.""."" (Rogers, Karl Schuhmann, ""Thomas Hobbes Leviathan, Vol. 1"", p. 250).Macdonad&Hargreaves: 104" Brunet III:239-40.
latin et la litt rature n o-latine au XIXe si cle. Pratiques et repr sentations
, Brepols, 2020 Paperback, v + 299 pages, Size:160 x 240 mm, Languages: French, English, Italian. ISBN 9789492771322.
Summary Le XIXe si cle est connu comme l' poque o l'essor des nationalismes et des langues nationales en Europe a d finitivement rel gu le latin aux marges du monde social. Or, si le latin conna t alors un ind niable d clin, il n'en demeure pas moins tout un temps une langue importante pour les nations modernes. Le pr sent volume tudie les manifestations d'une tradition linguistique pluris culaire qui ne s'est pas teinte l'aube de la modernit . Fruit d'une collaboration internationale, il rassemble des contributions portant sur diff rents pays d'Europe occidentale et centrale. Les auteurs retracent l'histoire du latin au XIXe si cle, s'interrogent aussi bien sur les raisons de son succ s que sur celles de son d clin et pr tent une attention particuli re aux aspects th matiques et stylistiques des textes. La litt rature n o-latine, qui n'est pas indiff rente au surgissement des romantismes europ ens, est pass e la loupe. L'ouvrage met galement en vidence l'inflexion que l'inspiration latine antique a pu donner une oeuvre po tique en langue moderne. TABLE OF CONTENTS Christophe Bertiau, "Le latin, une mati re ?bourgeoise?? Sur le d clin du latin dans l'enseignement l' poque contemporaine" The article refutes the received idea of Latin being a "bourgeois" school subject. It states on the contrary that the political and economic rise of the bourgeoisie accounts for the decline of Latin in secondary education during the last two centuries. Although Latin kept its dominant position in the curriculums throughout the nineteenth century, its supremacy was increasingly challenged by certain exponents of the bourgeoisie, who demanded school learning to be more markedly connected to the professional world. Jan Spoelder, "The decline of Latin as the academic language at Dutch universities and its consequences for education in Latin" In the eighteenth century, Latin lost its status as the universal scholarly language in countries like France, Germany and Britain. However, the Royal Decree of 1815 provided that Latin remained the exclusive academic language in the Kingdom of the Netherlands. More and more tension arose between maintaining classical educational ideals and the with to use the vernacular. Only when the Act on Higher Education was passed in 1876, this meant in practice the end of the mandatory use of Latin at Dutch universities. This new situation also ended the raison d' tre of the Latin school, the kind of education that had prepared for university entrance in the towns of the Dutch Republic and the later Kingdom. This type of school was reorganised to meet the altered requirements of the modern time under the name of Gymnasium. This school, with compulsory Greek and Latin, is still flourishing magnificently at the moment. Patrizia Paradisi, "Il latino nelle cerimonie ufficiali del Regno d'Italia, dall'Universit di Bologna al Campidoglio a Roma (Gandino, Albini e Pascoli)" Patrizia Paradisi stresses the significance Latin displayed for the official ceremonies of the Kingdom of Italy at the time of Giovanni Battista Gandino, Giuseppe Albini and Giovanni Pascoli. It thus appears how Latin was used to compose speeches, letters, an inscription for a medal, a hymn or a journal on the occasion of various ceremonies. Giacomo Dalla Piet , "L'evoluzione stilistica del latino all'interno della curia romana nel secolo XIX" Giacomo Dalla Piet sketches how the Latin style of encyclical letters developed during the nineteenth century. He interprets the adoption of a high style, which was to become increasingly Ciceronian, under the pontificate of Leo XIII as testament to the latter's universalist project and new way of conceiving papacy. ?ime Demo, "Stubborn persistence at the outskirts of the West: Latin in nineteenth-century Croatia" The article gives an insight into the status of Latin in nineteenth-century Croatia. Latin retained there until the mid-century a decided importance as a means of international communication, as a political instrument, as a medium of instruction or as a literary language. However, Croatian tended towards more and more superseding Latin in its uses. As a result, Latin was hardly ever used outside Church and education in the second half of the century. Neven Jovanovi?, "Two gentlemen-translators from nineteenth-century Dubrovnik" The author analyses the Latin translations of Antonio Sivrich and Blasius Ghetaldi, two poets from Dubrovnik. He compares how both translators worked and reflects upon the reasons why they rendered into Latin Italian sonnets and anacreontic poems (Sivrich) or Ivan Gunduli?'s Croatian epos Osman (Ghetaldi). Svorad Zavarsk , "?Et meus vere paradisus audit: mandra, poesis?: The poetry of Antonius Faber" Svorad Zavarsk presents the work of the neo-Latin poet from Bratislava Antonius Faber. He affirms that the main interest of A.?Faber's little classical poetry is its originality. This poetry can be seen as a compromise between traditional neo-Latin poetry and the romantic revival. It epitomises quite good the linguistic situation of Hungary at that time, where the national language was more and more often preferred to Latin. Florian Schaffenrath, "Antonio Mazzetti's neo-Latin epic poem on Emperor Ferdinand I (1838)" Florian Schaffenrath tackles a panegyric (gratulatio) addressed by Antonio Mazzetti to Emperor Ferdinand?I and examines its reception. He highlights the enthusiasm this poem motivated by current political affairs elicited, even though Latin verses no longer were in fashion. Antonino Zumbo, "Scrivere una novella romantica in versi latini: il Polymetron di Giovanni Andrea Vinacci" The article deals with the Polymetron, a romantic short story written in Latin verses by Andrea Vinacci. The story displays a Byronian inspiration and is located in the nineteenth-century Italian independence wars. Both these characteristics suggest that far from a mere formal dialogue with the Ancients has neo-Latin literature always attempted to stay in tune with its time. Romain Jalabert, "Des vers latins romantiques, en France" Romain Jalabert shows that a whole part of nineteenth-century French neo-Latin poetry was opened up to Romanticism. Original Latin poems inspired by Romanticism and Latin translations of poems in modern languages were no oddities. Schools played a leading role in this new tendency. Alphonse de Lamartine enjoyed great success as a source of inspiration for Latin poets. Dirk Sacr , "Colonel William Siddons Young (1832-1901) as a Latin poet" Dirk Sacr presents the life and work of the atypical British neo-Latin poet Colonel William Siddons Young (1832-1901). Young was an army officer in the Bengal civil service. Although some Latinists considered him as the greatest living Latin poet, his Latin verses display imperfections and he rapidly fell into oblivion after his death. But because of his atypical profile, he could serve the cause of Latin as a universal language. Through the figure of Young, this article provides us with an overview of the evolution of living Latin in the late nineteenth century. Marie-France David-de Palacio, "Un epigrammaton liber fin-de-sie cle: les ?latineries? de Jean Richepin" This contribution demonstrates on the basis of Jean Richepin's "Latineries" how a writer can breath new life into his own poetic language by imitating ancient authors. Whereas the style models on the epigrams of Roman Antiquity, and more specifically of Martial, the content exhibits a "Gallic" character.
Sefer Zurat ha-Erets... Sphaera mundi, describens figuram terrae dispositionemque orbium coelestium & motus stellarum, autore Rabi Abraham Hispano filio R. Haijae… Item arithmetica (Sefer ha-Mispar)... in numeris integris & fractis, a Rabi Elia [Mizrahi]... conscripta. Accesserunt... S. Munsteri annotationes marginales. Rarissime édition originale bilingue hébreu-latin du plus célèbre traité d’astronomie d’Abraham bar Hiyya.
Superbe exemplaire conservé dans sa reliure de l’époque en peau de truie estampée à froid sur ais de bois. Basel, H. Petri, 1546. 2 textes en 1 volume in-4 de : I/ (3) ff., (1) f.bl., 351 pp., (1) p. avec la marque ; II/ (4) ff. (sur 5, relié sans le titre latin de la 2e partie), (1) f.bl., 207 pp., (1) p. avec la marque. Hebrew and Roman letters, illustration: woodcut figures and diagrams. Reliure en peau de truie de l’époque estampée à froid sur ais de bois. Les plats sont ornés d’une plaque à froid avec une frise comportant des scènes bibliques en encadrement. Le plat supérieur est monogrammé et daté « I S 1558 ». Dos à nerfs comportant le titre manuscrit. Superbe reliure allemande de l’époque. 195 x 140 mm.
Rarissime édition originale bilingue hébreu-latin du plus célèbre traité d’astronomie d’Abraham bar Hiyya (1065-1136), un mathématicien, astronome et philosophe juif espagnol. Adams A-33 ; VD16 ZV-19 ; USTC 661378 ; STC German 1; Zinner 1891; Macclesfield 119; Burmeister, Münster 146; Houzeau & Lancaster 1217; IA 100.165; Steinschneider 673.3; Zinner 1891. Sphaera Mundi, printed with Mizrahi (Elijah) Arithmetica, translated by O. Schreckenfuchs, edited by Sebastian Munster, printed in Hebrew and Latin. “This beautifully printed volume, is both in its Hebrew and Latin parts, illustrated by neat Diagrams and Figures cut in wood; and subsequent to a Preface in Latin, gives us (underneath a short Hebrew Title) the following copious Latin Title […]. The above work of Rabbi Abraham is thus entered in the Bibliotheca Brittanica. Abraham R. Fil. Haijae, a native of Spain, and author of ‘Sphaera Mundi, Hebraice, cim versione Oswaldi Schreckenfuchsii, et Notis Sebastiani Munsteri’, Basil, 1546, 4to. The Device of Henry Petrus (the printer of this finely executed volume) appears at the end of both the Hebrew and Latin texts. The following extract from the ‘General Biography’ must necessarily be understood to designate the author of the ‘Sphaera Mundi’ notwithstanding the variation in spelling his Father’s name – ‘Abraham Ben Chaila, a Spanish Rabbi, in the 13th century, practiced Astrology, and assumed the character of a Prophet. He predicted the coming of the Messiah, and fixed for the time of his advent, the year 1358, but fortunately died in 1303 (fifty-five years before the time when his prediction was to be fulfilled). He is also said to have written a Treatise on the Figure of the Earth in Hebrew and Latin, which was published at Basel in 1546, 4to.” (A descriptive catalogue of books in the Library of John Holmes). The author, often known as Savasorda, wrote a treatise on practical geometry, which contains the earliest account of Arabic algebra written in Europe. This work deals with astronomy and geography. Il était connu sous plusieurs autres noms, dont Savasordia, Abraham Judaeus et également Abraham Hispano comme dans le présent ouvrage. Il comporte aussi « Compendium arithmetices » par Elija Orientali, également en hébreu et en latin, et « Quos Libros Osvvaldus » par Erasme Oswald Schreckenfuchs. The treatise on arithmetic by Elijah Mizrahi (c. 1540-1526), an important figure in Ottoman Jewry, was first published in Constantinople in 1533. L’ouvrage, imprimé en hébreu et en latin, comporte des commentaires et des explications de Sebastian Münster. Il est orné de nombreuses gravures sur bois et diagrammes dans le texte ainsi que de la marque de l’imprimeur répétée à la fin de chacune des deux versions hébreu et latine. Superbe exemplaire conservé dans sa reliure de l’époque en peau de truie estampée à froid sur ais de bois.
