‎L'esprit nouveau dans l'industrie‎

‎Paris, Alcan 1930 xx + 249pp., br.orig., 19cm., qqs. cachets, bon état, E42136‎

‎Handbook of Hedge Funds (The Wiley Finance Series)‎

‎Wiley 2006 656 pages in8. 2006. Cartonné. 656 pages.‎

‎Très bon état‎

‎Contracting for Property Rights (Political Economy of Institutions and Decisions)‎

‎Cambridge University Press 2008 144 pages 15 24x1 27x22 352cm. 2008. Broché. 144 pages.‎

‎Bon Etat bonne tenue intérieur propre‎

‎L'impot sur le revenu en Angleterre‎

‎Bruxelles/Paris, E.Bruylant/M.Rivière 1923 vii + 192pp.+ 50 annexes (84pp.avec figures & tabelles + 36 pages dépliantes ; tabelles, formuliers, fiches, ), dans la "Collection de l'Ecole des Sciences Politiques et Sociales de Louvain", signé avec dédicace par l'auteur, non coupé, dos peu réparé, cachet, bon état, G30756‎

‎La France plus qu'anglaise, ou Comparaison entre la procédure entamée à Paris le 25 Septembre 1788, contre les ministres du Roi de France; et Le procès intenté à Londres en 1640, au Comte de Strafford, principal Ministre de Charles premier, Roi d'Angleterre: avec des Réflexions sur le danger imminent dont les entreprises de la Robe menacent la nation & les particuliers. Seconde édition.‎

‎Bruxelles, 1788. (4), 175, (1) pp. 8vo. Modern boards. Cioranescu 40562; not in INED; not in Kress; not in Goldsmiths; not in Martin & Walter. Second edition, first published in October 1788. Linguet had printed, in the 116th number of his Annales, a proposal for fiscal reform which he had first publicized in his Annales in 1778 and 1779, an exepient for terminating once and for all the chronic state of financial crisis that had precipitated Louis's capitulation to the aristocrats. The king ignored Linguet's lesson in political and economic pragmatism. Financiers and capitalists were up in arms against it, as was the Paris parlement. This body condamned the 116th number of the Annales to be lacerated and burned at the foot of the grand staircase in the courtyard of the Palais de Justice. Linguet, in rage, published his La France plus qu'angloise in October 1788 and included in it a thinly veiled warning to the king that his next blunder, a fatal one, would be to retreat headlong into the arms of aristocratic reactionairies more English in their pretensions to exercising legislative supremacy than Commons or Lords. This move would signal disaster for the monarchy, as it would alienate the Third Estate from the throne as well as from the aristocratic party, driving it into isolation, and from there into independence and the revolution. At the same time, Linguet was educating the Third Estate in this work: how to recognize their rights and act in their own best interest (For an extensive analysis of this work see: D. Gay Levy, The ideas and Careers of Simon-Nicolas-Henry Linguet, pp. 243-4). ‎

‎La France plus qu'Angloise, ou Comparaison entre la procédure entamée à Paris le 25 Septembre 1788 contre les ministres du Roi de France, et le procès intenté à Londres en 1640, au Comte de Strafford, principal ministre de Charles premier, roi d'Angleterre. Avec des réflexions sur le danger imminent dont les entreprises de la robe menacent la nation, & les particuliers. Seconde édition.‎

‎Bruxelles, 1789. 149, (2) pp. 8vo. Modern half morocco. Cioranescu 40562; not in INED; not in Kress; not in Goldsmiths; not in Martin & Walter. Second edition, first published in October 1788. Linguet had printed, in the 116th number of his Annales, a proposal for fiscal reform which he had first publicized in his Annales in 1778 and 1779, an exepient for terminating once and for all the chronic state of financial crisis that had precipitated Louis's capitulation to the aristocrats. The king ignored Linguet's lesson in political and economic pragmatism. Financiers and capitalists were up in arms against it, as was the Paris parlement. This body condamned the 116th number of the Annales to be lacerated and burned at the foot of the grand staircase in the courtyard of the Palais de Justice. Linguet, in rage, published his La France plus qu'angloise in October 1788 and included in it a thinly veiled warning to the king that his next blunder, a fatal one, would be to retreat headlong into the arms of aristocratic reactionairies more English in their pretensions to exercising legislative supremacy than Commons or Lords. This move would signal disaster for the monarchy, as it would alienate the Third Estate from the throne as well as from the aristocratic party, driving it into isolation, and from there into independence and the revolution. At the same time, Linguet was educating the Third Estate in this work: how to recognize their rights and act in their own best interest. For an extensive analysis of this work see: D. Gay Levy, The ideas and Careers of Simon-Nicolas-Henry Linguet, pp. 243-4. ‎

‎L'impôt territorial, ou la dime royale, avec tous ses avantages. Londres, 1787. - (Bound with:) LINGUET, (S.N.H.) Protestation contre les arrêts du Parlement de Paris des 25 et 27 Septembre 1788. (Drop-head title.)‎

‎No place, (1788). 2 works in 1 volume. 144, (2) pp.; 12 pp. 8vo. Modern boards. First work: Kress B.1266 (other edition); Goldsmiths 13454 (other edition); Einaudi 3412 (other edition); INED 2915 (other edition); Stourm, pp. 145-146 (other edition). One of three editions from the same year, no priority has been established. The French crown faced bankruptcy when the Controller-General, Calonne, presented a financial schem to end the crisis. The keystone in his program was a tax to be levied on all property owners without discrimination of estate. Calonne also proposed liberating commerce in grains from all internal tariffs. When Calonne was unable to pass this in the Assembly of Notables, he was replaced by Loménie de Brienne. 'Linguet lent the support of his publicity to the Calonne property tax and published this work just after the Notables had turned down Calonne's master plan. (.....) Linguet viewed it as a means by which the government, provisioned in grains, could compete with entrepreneurs, control the market price of wheat, and in that way guarantee the lives of an impoverished and progressively more restless population of dispossessed persons. Linguet saw the unpopular tax program as a key government stratagem for warding off two spectres: bankruptcy and a people's revolution' (D. Gay Levy, The Ideas and Careers of Simon-Nicolas-Henri Linguet, p. 240).Second work: Not in Kress; not in Goldsmiths; not in Einaudi; not in INED; not in Stourm.Calonne's reforms failed, Brienne's attempts failed, and the King gave in, recalled Jacques Necker to face the acute financial crisis, recalled the parlements and annulled all judicial reforms. Linguet answered with number 116 of his Annales again proposing fiscal reform. The parlements answered by ordering this number 116 to be lacerated and burned. The present work is Linguet's protest against these decisions by the parlement. - Inner margin of the first title and last leaf of the second work strengthened. ‎

‎L'impôt territorial, ou la dime royale, avec tous ses avantages.‎

‎Londres, 1787. 88 pp. 8vo. Modern half morocco. Kress B.1266 (other edition); Goldsmiths 13454 (other edition); Einaudi 3412 (other edition); INED 2915 (other edition); Stourm, pp. 145-146 (other edition). One of three editions from the same year, no priority has been established. The French crown faced bankruptcy when the Controller-General, Calonne, presented a financial scheme to end the crisis. The keystone in his program was a tax to be levied on all property owners without discrimination of estate. Calonne also proposed liberating commerce in grains from all internal tariffs. When Calonne was unable to pass this in the Assembly of Notables, he was replaced by Loménie de Brienne. 'Linguet lent the support of his publicity to the Calonne property tax and published this work just after the Notables had turned down Calonne's master plan. (.....) Linguet viewed it as a means by which the government, provisioned in grains, could compete with entrepreneurs, control the market price of wheat, and in that way guarantee the lives of an impoverished and progressively more restless population of dispossessed persons. Linguet saw the unpopular tax program as a key government stratagem for warding off two spectres: bankruptcy and a people's revolution' (D. Gay Levy, The Ideas and Careers of Simon-Nicolas-Henri Linguet, p. 240). - Name on title. ‎

‎Die Britischen Investment Trusts.‎

‎Berlin, Spaeth & Linde, 1935. 8vo. In the original printed wrappers. Small library label pasted on to lower part of spine. A few library stamps pasted on to the first few pages. Otherwise a fine copy. 522 pp.‎

‎First printing.‎

‎The Truth about Reparations and War-Debts.‎

‎London, Heinemann, 1932. Orig. full cloth. 150 pp.‎

‎First edition.‎

‎L'Or Régulateur De La Production.‎

‎Paris, Librairie Du Recueil Sirey, 1933. 4to. In the original printed wrappers. White library label pasted on to lower part of spine and ex-libris pasted on to vero of front wrappers. Internally fine and clean. 128 pp.‎

‎Le contingenement en France - Ses incidences économiques‎

‎Paris, Librairie technique et économique 1938 182pp., br.orig., cachet, bon état, E41499‎

‎An Aristocracy of Money in the Early Middle Ages.‎

‎Cambridge M.A., The Medieval Academy of America, 1953. 8vo. Bound with the original wrappers in bloth half cloth. Offprint from ""Speculum. A Journal of Medieval Studies, Vol. XXVIII, No. 1 January 1953. Library label to lower part of spine and library stamp to title page. Otherwise a fine and clean copy. 43 pp.‎

‎Scarce offprint of medieval economic historian Lopez's early study on moneymakers in the early middle ages.‎

‎Les politiques économistes en Europe‎

‎BREAL 2021 204 pages 15x20x1 4cm. 2021. Broché. 204 pages.‎

‎Comme neuf - ouvrage issu de destockage jamais lu mais pouvant présenter d'infimes marques de stockage et/ou de manipulation - expédié soigneusement dans emballage adapté‎

‎Impossible n'est pas français: L'histoire inconnue d'Accor leader mondial de l'hôtellerie‎

‎ALBIN MICHEL 1998 304 pages 14 7x2 6x22 4cm. 1998. Broché. 304 pages.‎

‎Bon état‎

‎Die Akkumulation des Kapitals. Enin Beitrag zur Ökonomischen Erklärung des Imperialismus. [The Accumulation of Capital]. - [THE NEAREST TO ""CAPITAL"" OF ANY MARXIST WORK]‎

‎Berlin, 1913. Royal 8vo. Uncut and partly unopened in original printed wrappers. A bit of spotting to original printed spine, but overall in magnificent condition. Completely original and as fresh as can be wished for. (8), 446, (2).‎

‎The very rare first edition of Rosa Luxemburg's magnum opus - ""without doubt, one of the most original contributions to Marxist economic doctrine since ""Capital"". In its wealth of knowledge, brilliance of style, trenchancy of analysis and intellectual independence, this book, as Mehring, Marx's biographer, stated, was the nearest to ""Capital"" of any Marxist work. The central problem it studies is of tremendous theoretical and political importance: namely, what effects the extension of capitalism into new, backward territories has on the internal contradictions rending capitalism and on the stability of the system."" (Tony Cliff). Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919) was one of the most influential Marxists of the late 19th century. In her youth, she joined the socialist movement and went to Switzerland in exile in 1889. Here she studied law and economics and developed close connections to the leading members of the Russian socialist party. As opposed to Lenin, she was in complete favour of internationalism and therefore in opposition to the established Russian and Polish socialist parties that supported Polish independence. In 1893, she co-founded what was to be the forerunner of the Polish Communist Party, namely the Socialdemocratic Labour Party of Poland.In 1899, Rosa Luxemburg settled in Berlin and joined the German Socildemocratic Party, SPD and represented the revolutionary wing. She believed strongly in revolutionary mass action, but as opposed to Lenin, she was not completely bound to the revolutionary party and spoke out against movements like the reform union in Germany. ""Rosa Luxemburg was born in the small Polish town of Zamosc on 5 March 1871. From early youth she was active in the socialist movement. She joined a revolutionary party called Proletariat, founded in 1882, some 21 years before the Russian Social Democratic Party (Bolsheviks and Mensheviks) came into being. From the beginning Proletariat was, in principles and programme, many steps ahead of the revolutionary movement in Russia. While the Russian revolutionary movement was still restricted to acts of individual terrorism carried out by a few heroic intellectuals, Proletariat was organising and leading thousands of workers on strike. In 1886, however, Proletariat was practically decapitated by the execution of four of its leaders, the imprisonment of 23 others for long terms of hard labour, and the banishment of about 200 more. Only small circles were saved from the wreck, and it was one of these that Rosa Luxemburg joined at the age of 16. By 1889 the police had caught up with her, and she had to leave Poland, her comrades thinking she could do more useful work abroad than in prison. She went to Switzerland, to Zurich, which was the most important centre of Polish and Russian emigration. There she entered the university where she studied natural sciences, mathematics and economics. She took an active part in the local labour movement and in the intense intellectual life of the revolutionary emigrants.Hardly more than a couple of years later Rosa Luxemburg was already recognised as the theoretical leader of the revolutionary socialist party of Poland. She became the main contributor to the party paper, Sprawa Rabotnicza, published in Paris. In 1894 the name of the party, Proletariat, was changed to become the Social Democratic Party of the Kingdom of Poland" shortly afterwards Lithuania was added to the title. Rosa continued to be the theoretical leader of the party (the SDKPL) till the end of her life.In August 1893 she represented the party at the Congress of the Socialist International. There, a young woman of 22, she had to contend with well-known veterans of another Polish party, the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), whose main plank was the independence of Poland and which claimed the recognition of all the experienced elders of international socialism. Support for the national movement in Poland had the weight of long tradition behind it: Marx and Engels, too, had made it an important plank in their policies. Undaunted by all this, Rosa Luxemburg struck out at the PPS, accusing it of clear nationalistic tendencies and a proneness to diverting the workers from the path of class struggle" and she dared to take a different position to the old masters and oppose the slogan of independence for Poland. (For elaboration on this, see Rosa Luxemburg and the national question below.) Her adversaries heaped abuse on her, some of them, like the veteran disciple and friend of Marx and Engels, Wilhelm Liebknecht, going so far as to accuse her of being an agent of the Tsarist secret police. But she stuck to her point.Intellectually she grew by leaps and bounds. She was drawn irresistibly to the centre of the international labour movement, Germany, where she made her way in 1898."" (Tony Cliff, Rosa Luxemburg Biography).In 1919, she was captured and murdered by reactionary freetroop officers, but her theoretical works remained highly influential throughout almost a century. As late as the 1960'ies and 70'ies, she was still seen as somewhat of a revolutionary hero and champion of communism. ""When the First World War broke out, practically all the leaders of the Socialist Party [SPD] were swept into the patriotic tide. On 3 August 1914 the parliamentary group of German Social Democracy decided to vote in favour of war credits for the Kaiser’s government. Of the 111 deputies only 15 showed any desire to vote against. However, after their request for permission to do so had been rejected, they submitted to party discipline, and on 4 August the whole Social Democratic group unanimously voted in favour of the credits. A few months later, on 2 December, Karl Liebknecht flouted party discipline to vote with his conscience. His was the sole vote against war credits.This decision of the party leadership was a cruel blow to Rosa Luxemburg. However, she did not give way to despair. On the same day, 4 August, on which the Social Democratic deputies rallied to the Kaiser’s banner, a small group of socialists met in her apartment and decided to take up the struggle against the war. This group, led by Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht, Franz Mehring and Clara Zetkin, ultimately became the Spartakus League. For four years, mainly from prison, Rosa continued to lead, inspire and organise the revolutionaries, keeping high the banner of international socialism...The revolution in Russia of February 1917 was a realisation of Rosa Luxemburg’s policy of revolutionary opposition to the war and struggle for the overthrow of imperialist governments. Feverishly she followed the events from prison, studying them closely in order to draw lessons for the future. Unhesitatingly she stated that the February victory was not the end of the struggle but only its beginning, that only workers’ power could assure peace. From prison she issued call after call to the German workers and soldiers to emulate their Russian brethren, overthrow the Junkers and capitalists and thus, while serving the Russian Revolution, at the same time prevent themselves from bleeding to death under the ruins of capitalist barbarism.When the October Revolution broke out, Rosa Luxemburg welcomed it enthusiastically, praising it in the highest terms. At the same time she did not believe that uncritical acceptance of everything the Bolsheviks did would be of service to the labour movement. She clearly foresaw that if the Russian Revolution remained in isolation a number of distortions would cripple its development" and quite early in the development of Soviet Russia she pointed out such distortions, particularly on the question of democracy.On 8 November 1918 the German Revolution freed Rosa Luxemburg from prison. With all her energy and enthusiasm she threw herself into the revolution. Unfortunately the forces of reaction were strong. Right-wing Social Democratic leaders and generals of the old Kaiser’s army joined forces to suppress the revolutionary working class. Thousands of workers were murdered on 15 January 1919 Karl Liebknecht was killed" on the same day a soldier’s rifle butt smashed into Rosa Luxemburg’s skull.With her death the international workers’ movement lost one of its noblest souls. ""The finest brain amongst the scientific successors of Marx and Engels"", as Mehring said, was no more. In her life, as in her death, she gave everything for the liberation of humanity."" (Tony Cliff, Biography of Rosa Luxemburg).Sraffa 3560Social Liberation 4066‎

‎Die Akkumulation des Kapitals. Enin Beitrag zur Ökonomischen Erklärung des Imperialismus. [The Accumulation of Capital]. - [THE NEAREST TO ""CAPITAL"" OF ANY MARXIST WORK]‎

‎Berlin, 1913. Royal 8vo. Uncut and partly unopened in original printed wrappers. Soiling to spine, vaguely affecting first and last leaf. Overall in a very fine condition. (8), 446, (2) pp.‎

‎The very rare first edition of Rosa Luxemburg's magnum opus - ""without doubt, one of the most original contributions to Marxist economic doctrine since ""Capital"". In its wealth of knowledge, brilliance of style, trenchancy of analysis and intellectual independence, this book, as Mehring, Marx's biographer, stated, was the nearest to ""Capital"" of any Marxist work. The central problem it studies is of tremendous theoretical and political importance: namely, what effects the extension of capitalism into new, backward territories has on the internal contradictions rending capitalism and on the stability of the system."" (Tony Cliff). Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919) was one of the most influential Marxists of the late 19th century. In her youth, she joined the socialist movement and went to Switzerland in exile in 1889. Here she studied law and economics and developed close connections to the leading members of the Russian socialist party. As opposed to Lenin, she was in complete favour of internationalism and therefore in opposition to the established Russian and Polish socialist parties that supported Polish independence. In 1893, she co-founded what was to be the forerunner of the Polish Communist Party, namely the Socialdemocratic Labour Party of Poland.In 1899, Rosa Luxemburg settled in Berlin and joined the German Socildemocratic Party, SPD and represented the revolutionary wing. She believed strongly in revolutionary mass action, but as opposed to Lenin, she was not completely bound to the revolutionary party and spoke out against movements like the reform union in Germany. ""Rosa Luxemburg was born in the small Polish town of Zamosc on 5 March 1871. From early youth she was active in the socialist movement. She joined a revolutionary party called Proletariat, founded in 1882, some 21 years before the Russian Social Democratic Party (Bolsheviks and Mensheviks) came into being. From the beginning Proletariat was, in principles and programme, many steps ahead of the revolutionary movement in Russia. While the Russian revolutionary movement was still restricted to acts of individual terrorism carried out by a few heroic intellectuals, Proletariat was organising and leading thousands of workers on strike. In 1886, however, Proletariat was practically decapitated by the execution of four of its leaders, the imprisonment of 23 others for long terms of hard labour, and the banishment of about 200 more. Only small circles were saved from the wreck, and it was one of these that Rosa Luxemburg joined at the age of 16. By 1889 the police had caught up with her, and she had to leave Poland, her comrades thinking she could do more useful work abroad than in prison. She went to Switzerland, to Zurich, which was the most important centre of Polish and Russian emigration. There she entered the university where she studied natural sciences, mathematics and economics. She took an active part in the local labour movement and in the intense intellectual life of the revolutionary emigrants.Hardly more than a couple of years later Rosa Luxemburg was already recognised as the theoretical leader of the revolutionary socialist party of Poland. She became the main contributor to the party paper, Sprawa Rabotnicza, published in Paris. In 1894 the name of the party, Proletariat, was changed to become the Social Democratic Party of the Kingdom of Poland" shortly afterwards Lithuania was added to the title. Rosa continued to be the theoretical leader of the party (the SDKPL) till the end of her life.In August 1893 she represented the party at the Congress of the Socialist International. There, a young woman of 22, she had to contend with well-known veterans of another Polish party, the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), whose main plank was the independence of Poland and which claimed the recognition of all the experienced elders of international socialism. Support for the national movement in Poland had the weight of long tradition behind it: Marx and Engels, too, had made it an important plank in their policies. Undaunted by all this, Rosa Luxemburg struck out at the PPS, accusing it of clear nationalistic tendencies and a proneness to diverting the workers from the path of class struggle" and she dared to take a different position to the old masters and oppose the slogan of independence for Poland. (For elaboration on this, see Rosa Luxemburg and the national question below.) Her adversaries heaped abuse on her, some of them, like the veteran disciple and friend of Marx and Engels, Wilhelm Liebknecht, going so far as to accuse her of being an agent of the Tsarist secret police. But she stuck to her point.Intellectually she grew by leaps and bounds. She was drawn irresistibly to the centre of the international labour movement, Germany, where she made her way in 1898."" (Tony Cliff, Rosa Luxemburg Biography).In 1919, she was captured and murdered by reactionary freetroop officers, but her theoretical works remained highly influential throughout almost a century. As late as the 1960'ies and 70'ies, she was still seen as somewhat of a revolutionary hero and champion of communism. ""When the First World War broke out, practically all the leaders of the Socialist Party [SPD] were swept into the patriotic tide. On 3 August 1914 the parliamentary group of German Social Democracy decided to vote in favour of war credits for the Kaiser’s government. Of the 111 deputies only 15 showed any desire to vote against. However, after their request for permission to do so had been rejected, they submitted to party discipline, and on 4 August the whole Social Democratic group unanimously voted in favour of the credits. A few months later, on 2 December, Karl Liebknecht flouted party discipline to vote with his conscience. His was the sole vote against war credits.This decision of the party leadership was a cruel blow to Rosa Luxemburg. However, she did not give way to despair. On the same day, 4 August, on which the Social Democratic deputies rallied to the Kaiser’s banner, a small group of socialists met in her apartment and decided to take up the struggle against the war. This group, led by Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht, Franz Mehring and Clara Zetkin, ultimately became the Spartakus League. For four years, mainly from prison, Rosa continued to lead, inspire and organise the revolutionaries, keeping high the banner of international socialism...The revolution in Russia of February 1917 was a realisation of Rosa Luxemburg’s policy of revolutionary opposition to the war and struggle for the overthrow of imperialist governments. Feverishly she followed the events from prison, studying them closely in order to draw lessons for the future. Unhesitatingly she stated that the February victory was not the end of the struggle but only its beginning, that only workers’ power could assure peace. From prison she issued call after call to the German workers and soldiers to emulate their Russian brethren, overthrow the Junkers and capitalists and thus, while serving the Russian Revolution, at the same time prevent themselves from bleeding to death under the ruins of capitalist barbarism.When the October Revolution broke out, Rosa Luxemburg welcomed it enthusiastically, praising it in the highest terms. At the same time she did not believe that uncritical acceptance of everything the Bolsheviks did would be of service to the labour movement. She clearly foresaw that if the Russian Revolution remained in isolation a number of distortions would cripple its development" and quite early in the development of Soviet Russia she pointed out such distortions, particularly on the question of democracy.On 8 November 1918 the German Revolution freed Rosa Luxemburg from prison. With all her energy and enthusiasm she threw herself into the revolution. Unfortunately the forces of reaction were strong. Right-wing Social Democratic leaders and generals of the old Kaiser’s army joined forces to suppress the revolutionary working class. Thousands of workers were murdered on 15 January 1919 Karl Liebknecht was killed" on the same day a soldier’s rifle butt smashed into Rosa Luxemburg’s skull.With her death the international workers’ movement lost one of its noblest souls. ""The finest brain amongst the scientific successors of Marx and Engels"", as Mehring said, was no more. In her life, as in her death, she gave everything for the liberation of humanity."" (Tony Cliff, Biography of Rosa Luxemburg).Sraffa 3560Social Liberation 4066‎

‎Essai sur les théories monétaires contemporaines‎

‎Paris, Recueil Sirey 1935 vii + 223pp., br.orig., cachet, bon état, E41541‎

‎Des principes des négociations, pour servir d'introduction au droit public de l'Europe, fondé sur les traités.‎

‎A La Haie, 1757. 12mo. Very nice marbled full calf with richly gilt spine. Gilt title-label to spine. All edges of boards gilt (gilding a bit worn). Marbled edges. Front and back end-papers with a few later annotations. Otherwise a very nice and clean copy. VIII, 278 pp.‎

‎Rare first edition of one of Mably's most important works. ""His principes des negociations, which was to serve as an introduction to the Droit publique [...] was a courageous attack on the foreign policies of the European powers, and a plea for more rational and honest methods, not only for the sake of justice and humanity, but because they are actually profitable."" (Whitfield, Ernest A., Gabriel Bonnot De Mably, New York, 1969).Gabriel Bonnot de Mably ( 1709 - 1785), was a French philosopher and politician. He was one of the 18th century's most popular writers but largely passed into obscurity in the 20th century. His works contributed to the later concepts of both communism and republicanism. Some have enrolled him in the French School of Utopianism: ""Here also is the beginning of the French School of Utopian Communism properly so called. The Abbé de Mably (1709-1785) merits attention for his singularly clear exposition of the fundamental doctrine of equality: ""The sentiment of equality if nothing else than sentiment of our dignity"" men have become slaves by letting it grow feeble, and only by revivifying it will they become free""."" (Catlin, George. A History of Political Philosophers, London, 1950).More recent research suggests another approach to Mably's thinking: ""Mably should be seen as neither a proto-socialist nor a reactionary thinker, but as a republican - a classical republican, in fact, whose writing represents a later Gallic contribution to the political tradition founded by Machiavelli and Harrington. He is not only interesting as the personification of the revolutionary spirit and as a level-headed reformer, but because he formulated principles which have since been either accepted or re-discovered."" (Wright J. History of Political Thought, Volume 13, Number 3, 1992 , pp. 391-415).‎

‎Knowledge: Its Creation Distribution and Economic Significance Volume I: Knowledge and Knowledge Production (Princeton Legacy Library)‎

‎PRINCETON UNIV PR 1981 304 pages in8. 1981. Cartonné jaquette. 304 pages.‎

‎Bon état proche du très bon état intérieur propre avec sa jaquette‎

‎Arrow's Theorem: The Paradox of Social Choice : A Case Study in the Philosophy of Economics‎

‎Yale University Press 1984 152 pages 13 462x1 524x20 828cm. 1984. Broché. 152 pages.‎

‎Bon état‎

‎L’ÉCONOMIE DE MADAGASCAR, Diagnostic et perspectives de développement‎

‎, [Paris], [Éd.Cujas] 1963, in-8, pleine basane verte, tit. doré sur dos à 4nerfs soulignés par fers estampés à froid, plats encadrés par fers, présence schémas et cartes dont une colorée et sur papier glacé, (très lég. épidermures), bon état, 209p.‎

4 Images

‎Economic growth in Japan and the USSR‎

‎London, George Allen & Unwin 1969 xxviii + 174pp., softcover, good condition, E47764‎

‎Leuvens Brandglas. De Produktie Tijdens De 16de Eeuw En De Nabootsing Van Oude Brandglasmedaillons in De 19de En 20ste Eeuw‎

‎Peeters uitgeverij 1987 335 pages 21 336x2 032x24 638cm. 1987. Broché. 335 pages.‎

5 Images

‎Bon état intérieur propre tranche du bas tachée au niveau du dos‎

‎Organizational Design Development and Behavior: A Situational View‎

‎Scott Foresman (Elementary Group Pearson Educatio 1977 451 pages 23 114x2 54x16 51cm. 1977. Broché. 451 pages.‎

4 Images

‎Bon état de conservation couverture défraîchie intérieur propre‎