Liège, Sciences et Lettres, 1959. 14 x 21, 122 pp., 75 figures, broché, bon état.
tome 3 seul.
Zürich, Zentralstelle der Studentenschaft, 1983, in-4to, 52 S., Original-Broschüre.
Phone number : 41 (0)26 3223808
Basel-Stuttgart, Schwabe & Co. AG., 1987, in-8vo, 164 S. mit 18 Abbildungen, Legat-Stempel ‘Guggisberg’, Original-Pappband.
U.a.: Die Armenienmission sucht einem Arzt / Praxis in Aleppo / Missionspital in Marasch 1904-05 / Palàstina etc etc.
Phone number : 41 (0)26 3223808
Paris, Odile Jacob, 1997. in-8°, 288 pages, notes, broche, couverture illustree plast.
Qq pass. ann. (crayon) sin. très bel exemplaire. [CA32-6]
Paris, Hachette, Paris, Hachette1866 ; fort in-8, demi-percaline bronze de l’époque. X pp., 693 pp., 36 planches hors-texte en noir et en couleurs et 320 illustrations in-texte.Troisième édition augmentée de cet ouvrage qui a d’abord paru chez Martinet en 1863.Pâles rousseurs, surtout au début et à la fin du volume.
Maurice Lamertin / J. Hermann 1926 in8. 1926. Relié.
Très Bon Etat de conservation intérieur propre une trace brune sur le premier plat très bonne tenue
Maurice Lamertin / J. Hermann 1927 in8. 1927. Relié.
Très Bon Etat de conservation intérieur propre une trace brune sur le premier plat très bonne tenue
Victor masson 1850 312 pages in12. 1850. Relié. 312 pages.
bords frottés coins émoussés présence d'annotations à l'encre
Vuibert Paris Vuibert 1970. In-8 relié toile sous jaquette de 240 pages. Très bon état
Toutes les expéditions sont faites en suivi au-dessus de 25 euros. Expédition quotidienne pour les envois simples, suivis, recommandés ou Colissimo.
Seuil 2000 411 pages 22x15x4cm. 2000. Broché. 411 pages.
French édition - provenance bibliothèque(plastifié étiqueté et tamponné)-Quelques marques de lecture et ou de stockage mais du reste en bon état d'ensemble. envoi rapide et soigné dans une enveloppe à bulle depuis France
P., Baillière (Bibliothèque Scientifique Contemporaine), 1890, in 12 broché, VIII-327 pages ; presqu'entièrement non coupé ; couverture fanée avec petits manques.
RARE.PHOTOS sur DEMANDE. ...................... Photos sur demande ..........................
Phone number : 04 77 32 63 69
Lausanne, F. Rouge, Librairie de L'Université, 1947. 13 x 19, 185 pp., 16 figures, 7 planches, broché, bon état (couverture défraîchie).
Hermann 1977 In-8 broché 20,6 cm sur 15. 173 pages. Bon état d’occasion.
Bon état d’occasion
Tel, Gallimard, 1994 - In-12° fort, br, 327 pages, bel exemplaire.
Bon Etat - Pas de défauts particuliers, exemplaire sain et propre . N'hésitez jamais à nous joindre directement. Réponse immédiate pour d'autres titres non répertoriés sur LRB . Franco de port pour la France par MONDIAL RELAY dés 30 euros pour les ouvrages modernes . Paiement immédiat par Paypal . Chèques ( fractionnement possible) et virement acceptés. Nous accompagnons toutes les étapes de vos achats. Achat et déplacement France Suisse pour vos propositions de ventes ( chiffrages et partages) .
Couverture souple. Broché. 224 pages.
Livre. Editions P.U.F, 1993.
2002, in-8vo, 352 S., Original-Broschüre.
Phone number : 41 (0)26 3223808
Paris, F. Scholl, H. Nicolle, 1809. Large 4to. Bound uncut in contemp. (original ?) boards. A nick at bottom of spine. Scratches to coverpaper at top of spine, along fronthinge and lower right corner on frontboard. Stamps on title-page. (4),VII,277,(1) pp. and 1 lithographed plate with 5 figs. showing the brain. Some scattered brownspots, mainly on the first few leaves.
Scarce first edition of the monograph which initiated the new science of ""Phrenology"". Here they introduced in print the idea of the cerebrum as a collection of organs with different psychological functions, and focused the attention on the functions of the cerebral cortex. Broca regarded Gall's work on phrenology as ""the starting point for every discovery in cerebral physiology in our century"". The phrenological doctrine, with its suggestion of localization of the functions of the brain, gave a great impetus to the neurological sciences.""The first publication of importence is the mémoire presented by Gall and Spurzheim as candidates for election to the Insitur de France: Recherches.... 1809 (the item offered). The mémoire was presented on March 14, 1808, and a committee of five, including Pinel, with Cuvier as chairman, was appointed to examine the researches and the doctrine. Whether Napoleon actually interfered is nor certain, althugh it is plain that he was opposed to the doctrine. Cuvier's long negative report of fifty-two pages is cautious and conservative, and shows that his commitee realized that it was dealing with with a difficult and controversial matter."" (Edwin G. Boring).
Paris, Gallimard, 1958. 14 x 23, 586 pp., 221 figures, broché, bon état.
L'Avenir de la Science, collection dirigée par Jean Rostand, nouvelle série N°4.
Paris Claude Hermant In-4 Broché Satisfaisant
2 volumes à la couverture de papier vert, triple filet blanc, titre, traces d'insolation, déchirure sans manque au dos du 1er tome ; L'auteur était professeur à la faculté des sciences de Paris ; paru vers 1950 tome I : 364pp+XIpp (table des matières) ; Tome II : 247pp+VIpp (table des matières) ; illustré de nombreux croquis in-texte ; signature de l'auteur, le tome II comporte un numéro : 2228
Paris, Editions Pramantha 1951, 250x165mm, 409pages, broché. Papier cristal d’origine conservé. Bel exemplaire avec pages non coupées.
illustrations n/b in texte,
Universa / Wetteren (Belgique) 1976 in4. 1976. Broché. Mémoires de la société royale de botanique de Belgique --- iconographie en noir et blanc
Très Bon Etat de conservation cependant couverture un peu défraîchie intérieur propre bonne tenue
Lindon, Harrison and Sons, 1890-91. Bound together in recent marbled boards. With both titlepages to vols 48 and 49 (both 1891) in ""Proceedings of the Royal Society of London"" pp. 455-459 (in vol. 48) and pp. 540-548.
""The Patterns in Thumb and Finger Marks"" is an early 'abstract' read to the Royal Society. The full paper paper appeared later the same year. ""Methods of indexing Finger Mark"" being the first appearance. These two paper constitute the very first appearance of the anthropometric classification of fingerprint.""Galtons establisment of fingerprinting as an easy and almost infallible means of human identification transformed a difficult subject, and his taxonomy of prints is basically that used today"".(DSB).
"GALTON, FRANCIS. - FIRST BOOK OF THE STATISTICAL STUDY OF BIOLOGICAL VARIATION.
Reference : 38789
(1889)
London and New York, Macmillan and Co., 1889. Orig. full cloth, uncut. Light wear along edges. Part of hinges neathly repaired. Small tears to spine ends. IX,(4),259,(3) pp. Internally clean and fine.
First edition. - ""By the employment of statistical Methods Galton propounded a ""law of filial regression"". This book represents the first statistical study of biological variation and inheritance.""(Garrison & Morton No. 233). ""The Natural Inheritance was his outcome of his work over the past 15 years on statistical techniques related to genetics. This includes develpment of the concept of correlation coefficients and the formula for the standard error of estimate.""(Parkinson, Breakthroughs).
London, Macmillian and Co, 1954. Royal8vo. Bound in contemporary full cloth with title to spine. In ""Nature"", Vol. 173, 1968. Library stamp to upper right corner of title page, otherwise a fine and clean copy. Pp. 709-13. [Entier volume: LXVVI, 1246 pp.].
First printing of Gamow's exceedingly influential discovery of four different kinds of acino-acids, nucleotides, which were to influence Watson and Crick in their further work. To Gamow, most famous for his work within physics and cosmology, this was a highly unfamiliar field. His work was described as: ""perhaps the last example of amateurism in scientific work on a grand scale"".""In early 1954, less than a year after J. D. Watson and Francis Crick discovered the double helical structure of DNA, Gamow recognized that the information contained in the four different kinds of nucleotides (adenine, thymine, guanine, cytosine) constituting the DNA chains could be translated into the sequence of twenty amino acids which form protein molecules by counting all possible triplets one can form from four different quantities. This remarkable way in which Gamow could rapidly enter a more or less unfamiliar field at the forefront of its activity and make a highly creative contribution to it, often far more by intuition than by calculation, led Ulam to characterize his work as ""perhaps the last example of amateurism in scientific work on a grand scale."" It earned him membership in a number of professional societies-American Physical Society, Washington Philosophical Society, International Astronomical Union, American Astronomical Society, U.S. National Academy of Sciences, Royal Danish Academy of Sciences and Letters-as well as an overseas fellowship in Churchill College, Cambridge."" (DSB)""Even as he was starting research in relativistic cosmogony, Gamow came to think that the time was nearly ripe for phys-ics to help biology move beyond its descriptive stage. This perception probably derived from Erwin Schrödinger's What Is Life? The Physical Aspect of the Living Cell (1945) and his longtime friend Max Delbrück's successful migration from theoretical physics to experimental genetics. In any case, Gamow got so caught up with the idea that rejecting his initial plans to revive the Washington conferences with one focused on cosmogony, he instead devoted the first postwar gathering to ""the physics of living matter."" His preparations for the conference held in the fall of 1946, and his subse-quent endeavours to promote the infusion of more physics into biology, led Gamow to believe by the early 1950s that the central ""riddle of life"" is how each species' genes shape its distinctive proteins. But lacking any notion about the molecular structure of genes, he could not imagine how to formulate this enigma in a tangible way.In June 1953 Gamow got an idea for doing so from reading James Watson and Francis Crick's soon-to-be-famous Nature paper on DNA's structure. Confident that they were on the right track, he impulsively introduced himself to them by letter, praising them for their success in moving biology into the ""exact' sciences"" and expressing his hope that he could meet with them in England at the end of the summer to talk about the possibility of using combinatorics to tackle genetic problems. As both were planning to be away then, Watson discussed Gamow's letter briefly with Crick, then filed it away. In late October, undeterred by their failure to respond, Gamow sent a short note off to Nature on a ""Possible Relation between Deoxyribonucleic Acid and Protein Structures"" (1954). He opened by crediting Watson and Crick with having established that the basic hereditary materials are DNA molecules. Then he daringly outlined what soon evolved into the protein-coding research program. He proposed that each organism's DNA ""could be characterized by a long number written in a four-digital system"" that ""completely determined"" the composition of its unique complement of proteins, which in turn ""are long peptide chains formed by about 20 different amino-acids [that] can be considered as 'long' words based on a 20-letter alphabet."" The problem to be solved was how these ""four-digital 26 numbers [are] translated into such 'words.'"" Gamow closed by suggesting how this might be done and promising that a fuller account would be published elsewhere.During the next few months, Gamow plunged into work on the protein-coding problem. He wrote up an expanded version of his note in Nature for the National Academy of Sciences' Proceedings and, when it was not accepted there-possibly because Gamow jokingly listed his fictional character Tompkins as co-author-submitted it successfully (without Tompkins as co-author) to the Royal Danish Society of Sciences' biological series. He also spurred first Crick, then Watson, and then many other researchers-especially those associated with Caltech's Delbrück and Berkeley's Gunther Stent-to join the enterprise of identifying how DNAcoded proteins. As this growing research circle reviewed prior and ongoing experimental work of relevance, a consensus soon emerged that DNA did not serve as a simple template in protein synthesis. It appeared instead that the coding might be a two-step process in which DNA first coded RNA and then RNA coded proteins. Although initially resisting this view, Gamow ended up as the ""synthesizer"" in the ""RNATie Club,"" founded in mid-1954 to foster the circle's informal communications and camaraderie.Gamow's involvement in the expanding circle of coding researchers remained intense for another year and a half. He found it stimulating to be once again on the wave crest of an exciting new specialty. Just as important if not more so, he enjoyed being at the center of the ambitious circle's partying and joking. But starting in late 1955, years before a consensus emerged about the coding of proteins, Gamow's engagement with the problem wilted. One reason was that his marriage of 23years had just fallen apart. Asecond, and more compelling reason was that, as he had experienced toward the end of his active participation in nuclear, stellar, and cosmogonical researches, he was getting bored with coding research because the opportunities for someone with his freewheeling style were ever more limited in this increasingly competitive and empirically constrained field"" (George Gamow: A Biographical Memoir, National Academy of Sciences).
Paris, Dunod, 1970. 16 x 21, 286 pp., 60 figures, broché, bon état (couverture légèrement jaunie).
"Illustrations de George Gamow; traduit par Geneviève Gueron."