Copenhague, Reitzel, 1849. Contemp. hcalf. Gilt back. Stamp on title. 208 pp.
Kjøbenhavn, Reitzel, 1849. Samtidigt hldrbd. Rygforgyldning. Ryg lidt slidt. Stempel på titel. 220 pp. Lidt brunplettet.
Copenhagen, Bianco Luno, 1849. Cont. hcalf. Gilt back. Back with a paperlabel pasted on. Stamp on titlepage. 236 pp.
Copenhagen, 1849. One private hcalf. 236,208 pp. Occasionally a little brownspotted.
l.-7. Bd. (alt som udk.). K., 1852-83. 4to. 7 samt.hldrbd. m. rygforg.
Kjöbenhavn, Bianco Luno, 1836. 4to. No wrappers. In: ""Det Kongelige Danske Videnskabernes Selskabs Skrifter"".Titlepage. a. pp. 150-316. rent, frisk eksemplar trykt på skrivepapir.
Havniæ, Universit. Typhographéo, 1712. Lille 8vo. Sener marmorert stift omslag. Forsatse fornyet. Lille rift i ryg. (16),63 pp. 5 blade med svag skjold. Trykt på svært papir. Gl. ejernavn på titelbladet, Frans Thestrup 1737. Fortalen er forfattet af Otto Sperling.
Originaltrykket. Yderst sjælden.
Stockholm, S. Magnus' förlag, 1846. Nydeligt samtidigt hldrbd. med rig rygforgyldning. (4),252,(2) pp. Udmærket frisk eksemplar.
Stockholm, Lund, 1831-44. Indbundet i 10 velbevarede samt. hldrbd. med tidstypisk rygforgyldning.
Vigtigt kildeskrift, såvel personalhistorisk som middelalderhistorisk.
Leipzig, Weygandschen Buchhandlung, 1779-80. 2 contemp. hcalf. Spines gilt. Title-and tomelabels with gilt lettering. 2 engraved titlevignettes. 738,(2)(2),680,(2) pp.
, Brepols, 2022 Hardback, 356 pages, Size:156 x 234 mm, Illustrations:6 b/w, 2 tables b/w., Language: English. ISBN 9782503600390.
Summary What anxieties did medieval missionaries and crusaders face and what role did the sense of risk play in their community-building? To what extent did crusaders and Christian colonists empathize with the local populations they set out to conquer? Who were the hosts and who were the guests during the confrontations with the pagan societies on the Baltic Rim? And how were the uncertainties of the conversion process addressed in concrete encounters and in the accounts of Christian authors? This book explores emotional bonding as well as practices and discourses of hospitality as uncertain means of evangelization, interaction, and socialization across cultural divides on the Baltic Rim, c. 1000-1300. It focuses on interactions between local populations and missionary communities, as well as crusader frontier societies. By applying tools of historical anthropology to the study of host-guest relations, spaces of hospitality, emotional communities, and empathy on the fronts of Christianization, this book offers fresh insights and approaches to the manner in which missionaries and crusaders reflexively engaged with the groups targeted by Christianization in terms of practice, ethics, and identity. TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface, Acknowledgments, List of Figures and Tables Chapter One. Introduction Chapter Two. Baltic Frontier Societies, Peripheral Visions, and Emotional Palimpsests Chapter Three. Fear in Missionary and Crusader Risk Societies, 10th-13th Centuries Chapter Four. Pagan Hosts, Missionary Guests, Spaces of Hospitality, 10th-12th Centuries Chapter Five. Hospitality and Its Discontents in Helmold of Bosau's Chronica Slavorum, 12th Century Chapter Six. Emotional Bonding and Trust during Sieges, 12th-13th Centuries Chapter Seven. Politics of Emotions and Empathy Walls in Livonia, 13th Century Chapter Eight. Hospitality and Formation of Identities in the Livonian Rhymed Chronicle, 13th Century Chapter Nine. Epilogue Bibliography Index
Clapham, Batten, 1833. + London, R. Clay, 1833. Bound in one modest contemp. hcloth.Stamp on title-page. (4),220 pp. + 68 pp. First title-page lightly dampstained. Some scattered brownspots.
Copenhagen, 1737. Folio (405 x 260 mm). In contemporary full black calf with four raised bands and double ruled fillets to boards. Wear to extremities, leather cracked. Repair to head of spine. Foot of spine chipped. Previous owner's name to front free end-paper (Kammer Juncker Rosenörn). Internally fine and clean. (4), 446, (24) pp. + large folded frontispiece.
Uncommon funeral sermon for Birgitte Scheel (1669-1737) During the 17th century, the aristocracy commissioned publications dedicated to commemorating their departed spouses and celebrating their virtuous lives. These publications likely served both as a means to instill moral conduct in society, conduct profitable transactions and last but not least fuel the circles of gossip. Funeral sermons emerged as romanticized portrayals of the nobility and the upper classes of society. Between the late 16th century and the mid-18th century, funeral sermons became a sought-after commodity in the Danish book market. Primarily intended for the deceased's family, these sermons allowed them to reflect on their own lineage. Provenance: Valdemar's Castle.
Copenhagen, (1713). Folio (348 x 240 mm). In contemporary full black calf with spine relaid and a bit later red title-label with gilt lettering to spine. Light wear to extremities primarily affecting capitals. Previous owner's name to front front free end-paper (Christian Georg von Møsting). Light occassional marginal browning throughout. Printed on good paper. A nice copy. (40), 352, 16 pp. Wanting the frontispiece.
Rare funeral sermon for Danish Knud Thott (1639 - 1702), Danish Geheimrat, son of Otte Thott. Worm here praises Thott for his sense of duty and untiring diligence, as it is repeatedly emphasized how much he, unlike many of his contemporaries, detested anything related to gifts and favors in official positions. As a landowner, he was exceptionally active, and he increased and improved Gavnø in many ways. Previous owner Christian Georg von Møsting was a Danish-Norwegian Officer who was married to Cathrine Marie Juel, sister to the generals Gregers and Christian Juel, owner of Valdemar's Castle. During the 17th century, the aristocracy commissioned publications dedicated to commemorating their departed spouses and celebrating their virtuous lives. These publications likely served both as a means to instill moral conduct in society, conduct profitable transactions and last but not least fuel the circles of gossip. Funeral sermons emerged as romanticized portrayals of the nobility and the upper classes of society. Between the late 16th century and the mid-18th century, funeral sermons became a sought-after commodity in the Danish book market. Primarily intended for the deceased's family, these sermons allowed them to reflect on their own lineage. Provenance: Valdemar's Castle.
Hafnia, Joachim Moltke, 1643 + Melchior Martzan, 1642. Folio (290 x 200 mm). In contemporary full calf with four raise bands and embossed super ex-libris (C. H. Helwerskov (1655 - 1733), Danish landowner and supreme court judge) to front- and back-board. Rebacked and back-board with repair. Annotations to pasted down front end-paper and front free end-paper. Closed tear to leaf B2. A very nice, clean and wide margined copy printed on heavy paper. Engraved title-page (by Simon de Pas). (24), 526, (16) pp. + large folded woodcut plate (the Golden Horn). Large woodcuts in the text + (12), 36 pp. The text is in two columns, in Latin and runes. Captions and some runic letters printed in red.
A very nice wide margined copy printed on good paper of the scarce first editions of both of Worm's famous masterpieces on runes - 1) ""Danicorum Monumentorum"" being Worm's runic magnum opus, which not only constitutes the first written study of runestones and the first scientific analysis of them, but also one of the only surviving sources for depictions of numerous runestones and inscriptions from Denmark, many of which are now lost"" 2) ""Regum Daniae"", which contains the highly important reproduction of The Law of Scania in runes as well as in Latin translation with commentaries. The ""Danicorum Monumentorum"", with its numerous woodcut renderings of monuments with rune-inscriptions - including the world-famous folded plate of the Golden Horn, which had been found only five year previously, and which is now lost - is arguably the most significant work on runes ever written, founding the study of runes and runic monuments. Most of the woodcuts were done after drawings by the Norwegian student Jonas Skonvig"" they are now of monumental importance to the study of runes and runic monuments, not only because they appeared here for the first time in print, but also because many of the monuments are now lost and these illustrations are the only surviving remains that we have. Ole Worm (Olaus Wormius) (1588-1655) was a famous Danish polymath, who was widely travelled and who had studied at a range of different European universities. Like many of the great intellectuals of the Early Modern era, Worm's primary occupation was as a physician, for which he gained wide renown. He later became court doctor to King Christian IV of Denmark. In 1621, Worm had become professor of physics, but already the year before, in 1620, had he begun the famous collection that would become one of the greatest cabinets of curiosites in Europe (and one of the first museums) and which would earn him the position as the first great systematic collector (within natural history) in Scandinavia. It was his then newly begun collection that enabled him, as professor of physics, to introduce demonstrative subject teaching at the university, as something completely new. He continued building and adding to his magnificent collection, now known as ""Museum Wormianum"", throughout the rest of his life. Worm's fascination for antiquarian subjects not only resulted in his famous ""Museum Wormianum"", but also in a deep fascination with early Scandinavian and runic literature and the history and meaning of runestones. These monuments found throughout Scandinavia, were carved with runic inscriptions and set in place from about the fourth to the twelfth centuries. In most cases, they are burial headstones, presumably for heroes and warriors.Worm published works on the runic calendar, translations of runic texts and explications of folklore associated with the runestone histories. By far his most extensive and important work was the ""Danicorum Monumentorum"", which was the first serious attempt at scientifically analyzing and recording all 144 then known runestone sites in Denmark. With the King's blessing and support, Worm contacted bishops all over the country who were instructed to provide details and drawings of the barrows, stone circles and carved inscriptions in their regions.Many of the monuments recorded in this splendid work have since disappeared. Some of them appeared in the fire of Copenhagen, to which they were brought at the request of Worm himself. The book thus contains highly valuable data about missing sites in Scandinavian archaeology and is an invaluable source to anyone studying runes and runic monuments. Included in the work are Worm's three earlier, small treatises on runes, here collected for the first time and set into a systematic an scientific context, among them his 1641 treatise on the Golden Horn. For Danes, the Golden Horns, discovered on 1639 and 1734 respectively, with their amazing, complicated, and tragic story, constitute the Scandinavian equivalent to the Egyptian pyramids and have been the object of the same kind of fascination here in the North, causing a wealth of fantastical interpretations, both historical, literary, mystical, linguistic, and artistic. The two golden horns constitute the greatest National treasure that we have. They are both from abound 400 AD and are thought to have been a pair. A span of almost 100 years elapsed between the finding of the first horn and the finding of the second. Both findings are now a fundamental part of Danish heritage. In 1802 the horns were stolen, and the story of this theft constitutes the greatest Danish detective story of all times. The thief was eventually caught, but it turned out that he had melted both of the horns and used the gold for other purposes.Before the horns were stolen, a copy of the horns was made and shipped to the King of Italy, but the cast which was used to make this copy was destroyed, before news had reached the kingdom of Denmark that the copies made from the cast were lost on their way to Italy, in a shipwreck. Worm's work constitutes not only the earliest description of the seminal first horn, but also the most important source that we now have to the knowledge of the horn. It is on the basis of the description and depiction in the present work that the later copies of the first horn were made. Both horns were found in Gallehus near Møgeltønder, the first in 1639, by Kirsten Svendsdatter, the second in 1734, by Jerk (Erik) Lassen.Kirsten Svendsdatter made her discovery on a small path near her house, initially thinking that she had stumbled upon a root. When she returned to the same place the following week, she dug up the alleged root with a stick, and took it for an old hunting horn. She brought it back home and began polishing it. During the polishing of it, a small piece broke off, which she brought to a goldsmith in Tønder. It turned out that the horn was made of pure gold, and rumors of Kirsten's find quickly spread. The horn was eventually brought to the King, Christian IV, and Kirsten was given a reward corresponding to the gold value of the horn. The king gave the horn to his son, who had a lid made for it so that he could use it as a drinking horn. An excavation of the site where the horn was found was begun immediately after, but nothing more was found - that is until 95 years later when Jerk Larsen was digging clay on his grounds - merely 25 paces from where Kirsten had found the first horn. The year was now 1734. The horn that Larsen found was a bit smaller in size and was lacking the tip, but it still weighed 3,666 kg. As opposed to the first horn, this second horn had a runic inscription. After the horn had been authenticated, it was sent to King Christian VI, where it was placed in a glass case in the royal art chamber, together with the first horn. Before being placed here, a copy was made of both horns. These copies were lost in a ship wreck, however, and the casts had already been destroyed. In the fatal year of 1802, the gold smith and counterfeiter Niels Heldenreich broke in to the royal art chamber and stole the horns. By the time the culprit was discovered, the horns were irrevocably lost - Heldenreich had melted them and used the gold to make other things, such as jewellery. A pair of ear rings that are still preserved are thought to have been made with gold from the horns, but this is all that we have left of the original horns. New horns were produced on the basis of the descriptions and engraved illustrations that were made after the finding of the horns. And thus, the plate used in the present works constitute our main source of knowledge of the appearance of the first horn. ""The longest of the golden horns was found in 1639 and described by Ole Worm in the book 'De Aureo Cornu', 1641 (a treatise which is also included in his greater ""Danicorum Monumentorum""). The German professor at Soro Academy Hendrich Ernst, disagreed with Worm’s interpretation of the horn. Ernst believed that the horn came from Svantevits temple on Rügen, while Worm interpreted it as a war trumpet from the time of Frode Fredegods, decorated with pictures, calling for virtue and good morals. Worm immediately sent his book to Prince Christian and the scholars at home and abroad. You can see in his letters, that not only did the horn make an impression, but also the letter and the interpretation. In that same year there were such lively discussions on the horn among the scholars of Königsberg, now Kaliningrad!In 1643 Worm reiterated the description of the golden horn in his great work on Danish runic inscriptions, 'Monumenta Danica'. In 1644, his descriptions of the horn reached for scholars and libraries in Schleswig, Königsberg, London, Rome, Venice and Padua. Several learned men wrote poems for him, and the golden horn was mentioned in an Italian manus. Map Cartoonist Johannes Meyer placed the finds on several of his map of South Jutland. When the Swedish commander Torstensson attacked Jutland in 1643, Peter Winstrup wrote a long poem in Latin addressed to the bishop of Scania (which at that time still belonged to Denmark), the poem was called 'Cornicen Danicus'. It was immediately translated into Danish, entitled 'The Danish Horn Blower'. He interpreted the horn and its images as an warning of war, and his interpretations were very hostile to the Swedish. Paul Egard and Enevold Nielssen Randulf were among some of the other scholars who interpreted the Golden Horn In the 1640s. They were both deans in Holstein, and had a more Christian interpretation of the horn.All these works were illustrated with copies of Worms depictions of the horn. The Golden Horn remained known throughout the 1600s, both in terms of interpretations of the horn and designs. The found of the short golden horn in 1734 renewed the interest of the meaning of the horns."" (National Museum of Denmark). Thesuarus: 727 & 733Biblioteca Danica III, 23
Kjöbenhavn, Thieles Bogtrykkeri, 1854. Lex8vo. I samtidigt halvlæderbind. Mangler ryg. Gennemgående brunplettet. 143 pp.
Originaludgaven of Worsaae's berømte katalog.
København, 1844 & 1845. 4to. In contemporary half calf with gilt lettering to spine. Light wear to spine, primarily spine. Internally with light occassional marginal brownspotting. 38, (2) + 4 folded plates" 12 pp. + 1 folded plate.
Aalborg, 1887-88. Solidt helshirtbd. 257 pp.
Aalborg, Schultz, 1872-74. Samt. hshirtbd. med rygforgyldning. 84),236 pp. Stempel på titelblad. Lidt spredte brunpletter.