1849 books for « marx »Edit

‎Theorien über den Mehrwert. Band 3: Von Ricardo zur Vulgärökonomie. Aus dem nachgelassenen Manuskript “Zur Kritik der politischen Ökonomie” von Karl Marx, hrsg von Karl Kautsky, 3., unveränderte Auflage. ‘Internationale Bibliothek’ 37a.‎

‎Stuttgart, J.H.W. Dietz, 1919, in-8°, XIV + 602 S., Original-Leinenband.‎

‎Inhalt: Thomas Robert Malthus. / Auflösung der Ricardoschen Schule. / Gegensatz gegen die Ökonomen auf Basis der Ricardoschen Theorie. / George Ramsay. / Cherbuliez. / Richard Jones. / Profit, Zins und Vulgärökonomie. ‎

‎Kurzes Handbuch der Ohrenheilkunde.‎

‎Jena, Gustav Fischer, 1938, in-4°, VIII + 848 S., ill. mit 465 zum Teil farbigen Abbildungen, Original-Leinenband.‎

‎Dr. Hermann Marx war o. ö. Professor und Vorstand der universitätsklinik für Ohren-, Nasen-, und Kehlkopfkranke in Würzburg. ‎

‎Eine Predigt über Luc. 19, 41. 42 : gehalten gewöhnlichen Buss- und Bettag den 18. Wintermonat 1802. Zus. gebunden mit: Leichenrede dem Herrn Professor und Pfarrer Peter Saluz, seel. gehalten von Herrn Martin Marx.‎

‎Chur, Bey J. G. Berthold, Buchdrucker,/ Chur, s.n. 1802 - 1808, in-8vo, 38 S. + 1 Bl. (Verb.); 14 S. + 1 Bl. (leer). Druck auf bläulichen Papier gedruckt, Mod. Pappband mit Buntpapier bezogen.‎

‎ Barth 15706. ‎

‎Beschreibung der Eidgnössischen Statt St. Gallen. Gelegenheit, Geschichten und Regiment. (Verfasst von Marx Huber). Wie auch des Lebens Hrn. D. von Watt, gewesenen Burgermeisters daselbst (von Christian Huber). 2 Teile in 1 Band.‎

‎S. Gallen, Jacob Redinger, M. DC. LXXXIII., (1683), kl. in-8vo, 1 Kupfer-Titel (gest. von Jeremias Renner. Titel: Historische Beschreibung der Statt Sanct Gallen) + 58 Bl., inkl. Titelbl. mit gestoch. herald. Vignette + Blatt 1+2 zu Vadian + 1 mehrfach gefalt. Kupfertafel (Panorama: Die Statt St. Gallen, gest. von H. Pfauw) + 722 S.; gest. Frontispiz-Porträt von ‘Joachimus Vadianus’ (von Watt) + 84 S. (inklus. Titelbl.) + 1 Bl. (Errata), stellenweise leicht gebräunt, hs. Besitzauftrag d. Zeit auf Vorsatz, zeitgen. Pergamentband, etwas gebräunt. Schönes Exemplar‎

‎Erstausgabe. Seltene Chronik der Statt St. Gallen, mit umfangreichem Register, illustriert mit Kupfertitel und einer schönen gefalt. gestoch. Panorama-Ansicht der Stadt. “Seine Arbeit erstreckt sich bis 1683. ... sie verdient theils wegen der Geschichte selbst, teils wegen der Beschreibung der Stadt und deren Regierungsform, nicht wenig Achtung. In der Geschichte findet man viel merkwürdiges, besonders von den Zeiten der Glaubensverbesserung, und hauptsächlich von den Wiedertäufern in den Jahren 1525 und 1526, und von der Bibliothek wird auch viel Lesenswürdiges beygebracht” (Haller).Teil 2 enthält die mit gestochenem Porträt illustrierte Biographie Joachim von Watts (gen. Vadianus) (1484-1551). Er wurde 1526 erstmals Bürgermeister der Stadt und von da an bis zu seinem Tode war er neunmal regierender Bürgermeister, Altbürgermeister und Reichsvogt. Von Watt “griff die politische und geistige Leitung bei der Vorbereitung und Einführung der Reformation und übernahm die Auseinandersetzung mit den Wiedertäufern, die Begründung der st. gall. evangelischen Kirche und den Versuch der Säkularisation des Klosters” (HBLS). “Hier ist eine ziemlich umständliche Lebensbeschreibung dieses Mannes, die vollständiger und zuverlässiger ist, als alles was vor und nachhero über ihn ist geschrieben worden. ...” Lonchamp 1389; Barth 20216; Haller IV/869 und II/1594; HBLS VII/429 (von Watt) IV/67, Nr. 3 Haltmeyer, und IV/302, H.d Nr. 4 (Huber). Image disp.‎

‎Herr Vogt. - [MARX' STRUGGLE AGAINST DEFAMATION ]‎

‎London, 1860. 8vo. Bound partly uncut with the original wrappers in a nice recent half calf pastiche binding with four rasied bands and gilt lettering to spine. Front wrapper with marginal repairs and back wrappers with repairs with minor loss of text. Light brownspotting to first and last leaves. A fine copy. VI, (2), (1)-191, (1, -errata) pp.‎

‎The rare first edition of Marx' landmark defense against defamation, a seminal work in his struggle for a new human society. Written in the midst of his writing of ""The Capital"", ""Herr Vogt"" constitutes the work that took precedence over this most important critique of political economy and the work that gives us one of the most profound insights into the mind of the great Marx. ""Herr Vogt"" is furthermore the work that we have to thank for the influence that ""The Capital"" and Marxist socialism did come to have upon our society. ""In 1857, Karl Marx resumed work on his critique of political economy, a process that culminated in the publication of ""Capital"" a decade later. He wrote a rough draft (the ""Grundrisse"") in 1857 and 1858, parts of which he then reworked into the ""Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy"", which was published in June 1859. Then, in 1861 through 1863, he wrote a revised draft of the whole of ""Capital"", which was followed by a more polished draft written during 1864 and 1865. Finally, he revised the first volume yet again, during 1866 and 1867. It appeared in September, 1867.The careful reader will have noticed a rather lengthy gap in this chronology. From the second half of 1859 through 1860, Marx was not working on his critique of political economy. What was he doing instead? What was so important, so much more of an urgent priority than his theoretical work?The answer is that Marx was fighting back against Carl Vogt's defamatory attack. He fought back in order to defend his reputation and that of his ""party."" ... "" Herr Vogt"", the book Marx wrote in order to set the record straight."" (Klimann, Marx' Struggle Against Defamation).Vogt was a prominent radical German politician and materialist philosopher who had immigrated to Switzerland, where he served in parliament and was also a professor of geology. His position on the 1859 war over Italian unification had a pro-French tilt, which resulted in the publication of a newspaper article and an anonymous pamphlet that alleged (correctly) that Vogt was being paid by the French government. Vogt believed Marx to be the source of the allegation and the author of the pamphlet.Vogt fought back by attacking Marx. He published a short book that described Marx as the leader of a band of blackmailers who demanded payment in return for keeping quiet about their victims' revolutionary histories. The book also contained a number of false and harmful allegations against Marx, and Vogt did everything in his power to destroy Marx' reputation. Not only did he attack Marx personally, he also falsified facts and made up untrue allegations to libel the Communist League, portraying its members as conspirators in secret contact with the police and accusing Marx of personal motives.There is no doubt that this work of slander put both Marx' own future as well as that of the Communist League at stake. ""Ferdinand Lassalle warned Marx that Vogt's book ""will do great harm to yourself and to the whole party, for it relies in a deceptive way upon half-truths,"" and said that ""something must be done"" in response (quoted in Rubel 1980, p. 53). Frederick Engels also urged Marx to respond quickly, and he provided a good deal of assistance when Marx wrote ""Herr Vogt""....Carl Vogt and the circumstances that gave rise to his defamatory attack against Marx and his ""party"" are dead and gone. But ""Herr Vogt"" and Marx's battle against defamation remain living exemplars of how one responds in a genuinely Marx-ian way-i.e., the way of Marx. Do not separate theory from practice, or philosophy from organization. Do not retreat to the ivory tower or suffer attacks in silence"" set the record straight. Use the bourgeois courts if necessary. Enlist the assistance of others."" (Klimann).""Marx's Herr Vogt, almost entirely unknown in the English-speaking world. It is nevertheless one of the most brilliant of his writings. Engels considered it better than the Eighteenth Brumaire"" Lassalle spoke of it as ""a masterpiece in every respect"""" Ryazanov thought that ""in all literature there is no equal to this book"""" Mehring rightly wrote of its ""being highly instructive even today""."" (Karl Marx on Herr Vogt - from The New International, Vol. X No. 8, August 1944, pp. 257-260. Transcribed & marked up by Einde O'Callaghan for ETOL).‎

‎The Civil War in France. Address of the General Council of the International Working-Men's Association. - [MARX' SEMINAL DEFENSE OF THE PARIS COMMUNE]‎

‎High Holborn, for the Council by Edward Truelove, 1871. Small 8vo. Near contemporary quarter cloth with silver lettering to front board. Binding with signs of use, but overall good. One closed marginal tear and title-page with a few brownspots, otherwise very nice and clean. 35 pp.‎

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‎Exceedingly rare first edition (with the names of Lucraft and Odger still present under ""The General Council"") of one of Marx' most important works, his seminal defense of the Paris Commune and exposition of the struggle of the Communards, written for all proletarians of the world. While living in London, Marx had joined the International Working Men's Association in 1864 - ""a society founded largely by members of Britain's growing trade unions and designed to foster international working class solidarity and mutual assistance. Marx accepted the International's invitation to represent Germany and became the most active member of its governing General Council, which met every Tuesday evening, first at 18 Greek Street in Soho and later in Holborn. In this role, Marx had his first sustained contact with the British working class and wrote some of his most memorable works, notably ""The Civil War in France"". A polemical response to the destruction of the Paris Commune by the French government in 1871, it brought Marx notoriety in London as 'the red terror doctor', a reputation that helped ensure the rejection of his application for British citizenship several years later. Despite his considerable influence within the International, it was never ideologically homogenous... (homas C. Jones: ""Karl Marx' London"").The work was highly controversial, but extremely influential. Even though most of the Council members of the International sanctioned the Address, it caused a rift internally, and some of the English members of the General Council were enraged to be seen to endorse it. Thus, for the second printing of the work, the names of Lucraft and Odger, who had now withdrawn from the Council, were removed from the list of members of ""The General Council"" at the end of the pamphlet. ""[Marx] defended the Commune in a bitterly eloquent pamphlet, ""The Civil War in France"", whose immediate effect was further to identify the International with the Commune, by then in such wide disrepute that some of the English members of the General Council refused to endorse it."" (Saul K. Padover, preface to Vol. II of the Karl Marx Library, pp. XLVII-XLVIII).""Written by Karl Marx as an address to the General Council of the International, with the aim of distributing to workers of all countries a clear understanding of the character and world-wide significance of the heroic struggle of the Communards and their historical experience to learn from. The book was widely circulated by 1872 it was translated into several languages and published throughout Europe and the United States."" (The Karl Marx Archive)Marx concluded ""The Civil War in France"" with these impassioned words, which were to resound with workers all over the world: ""Working men's Paris, with its Commune, will be forever celebrated as the glorious harbinger of a new society. Its martyrs are enshrined in the great heart of the working class. Its exterminators history has already nailed to that eternal pillory from which all the prayers of their priests will not avail to redeem them.""The address, which was delivered on May 30, 1871, two days after the defeat of the Paris Commune, was to have an astounding effect on working men all over the world and on the organization of power of the proletarians. It appeared in three editions in 1871, was almost immediately translated into numerous languages and is now considered one of the most important works that Marx ever wrote. "" ""The Civil War in France"", one of Marx's most important works, was written as an address by the General Council of the International to all Association members in Europe and the United States.From the earliest days of the Paris Commune Marx made a point of collecting and studying all available information about its activities. He made clippings from all available French, English and German newspapers of the time. Newspapers from Paris reached London with great difficulty. Marx had at his disposal only individual issues of Paris newspapers that supported the Commune. He had to use English and French bourgeois newspapers published in London, including ones of Bonapartist leanings, but succeeded in giving an objective picture of the developments in Paris. ...Marx also drew valuable information from the letters of active participants and prominent figures of the Paris Commune, such as Leo Frankel, Eugene Varlin, Auguste Serraillier, Yelisaveta Tornanovskaya, as well as from the letters of Paul Lafargue, Pyotr Lavrov and others.Originally he intended to write an address to the workers of Paris, as he declared at the meeting of the General Council on March 28, 1871. His motion was unanimously approved. The further developments in Paris led him, however, to the conclusion that an appeal should be addressed to proletarians of the world. At the General Council meeting on April 18, Marx suggested to issue ""an address to the International generally about the general tendency of the struggle."" Marx was entrusted with drafting the address. He started his work after April 18 and continued throughout May. Originally he wrote the First and Second drafts of ""The Civil War in France"" as preparatory variants for the work, and then set about making up the final text of the address.He did most of the work on the First and Second drafts and the final version roughly between May 6 and 30. On May 30, 1871, two days after the last barricade had fallen in Paris, the General Council unanimously approved the text of ""The Civil War in France"", which Marx had read out.""The Civil War in France"" was first published in London on about June 13, 1871 in English, as a pamphlet of 35 pages in 1,000 copies. Since the first edition quickly sold out, the second English edition of 2,000 copies was published at a lower price, for sale to workers. In this edition [i.e., MECW], Marx corrected some of the misprints occurring in the first edition, and the section ""Notes"" was supplemented with another document. Changes were made in the list of General Council members who signed the Address: the names of Lucraft and Odger were deleted, as they had expressed disagreement with the Address in the bourgeois press and had withdrawn from the General Council, and the names of the new members of the General Council were added. In August 1871, the third English edition of ""The Civil War in France"" came out, in which Marx eliminated the inaccuracies of the previous editions.In 1871-72, ""The Civil War"" in France was translated into French, German, Russian, Italian, Spanish, Dutch, Flemish, Serbo-Croat, Danish and Polish, and published in the periodical press and as separate pamphlets in various European countries and the USA. It was repeatedly published in subsequent years....In 1891, when preparing a jubilee German edition of ""The Civil War in France"" to mark the 20th anniversary of the Paris Commune, Engels once again edited the text of his translation. He also wrote an introduction to this edition, emphasising the historical significance of the experience of the Paris Commune, and its theoretical generalisation by Marx in ""The Civil War in France"", and also giving additional information on the activities of the Communards from among the Blanquists and Proudhonists. Engels included in this edition the First and Second addresses of the General Council of the International Working Men's Association on the Franco-Prussian war, which were published in subsequent editions in different languages also together with ""The Civil War France"". (Notes on the Publication of ""The Civil War in France"" from MECW Volume 22). Only very few copies of the book from 1871 on OCLC are not explicitly stated to be 2nd or 3rd editions, and we have not been able to find a single copy for sale at auctions within the last 50 years. ‎

‎Die heilige Familie oder Kritik der kritischen Kritik. Gegen Bruno Bauer & Consorten. - [THE COLLABORATION THAT WOULD CHANGE THE WORLD]‎

‎Frankfurt a. M., 1845. 8vo. Contemporary black half calf. Professionally rebacked. Title-page somewhat dusty and re-hinged. VIII, 335, (1) pp.‎

‎Incredibly scarce first edition of one the most significant political publications of the 19th century, the first joint work of Marx and Engels, leading to a life-long association that would change the world. ""The Holy Family"" is one of the most fundamental works in the history of communism and contains the first formulations of a number of fundamental theses of dialectical and historical materialism. For instance, it is here that the idea of mass/the people as the actual maker of the history of mankind is put forth for the first time and here that Marx shows that communism is the logical conclusion of materialistic philosophy.The work became incredibly influential and caused great uproar. Lenin claimed that it was this work that laid the foundations for scientific revolutionary materialist socialism.At the end of August, 1844, Engels passed through Paris,on his way to Manchester. It was here that he met Marx (then for the second time).Marx suggested that the two of them should write a critique of Young Hegelian trend of thought then very popular in academic circles. They decided to co-author the foreword and divided up the other sections between them. Engels had already finished his chapters before leaving Paris after 10 days. Marx had the larger share of work, which he completed by the end of November 1844.The general title, ""The Holy Family"", was added at the suggestion of the publisher Lowenthal, being a sarcastic reference to the Bauer brothers and their supporters."" ""The Holy Family, or Critique of Critical Critique. Against Bruno Bauer and Co."" is the first joint work of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. At the end of August 1844 Marx and Engels met in Paris and their meeting was the beginning of' their joint creative work in all fields of theoretical and practical revolutionary activity. By this time Marx and Engels had completed the transition from idealism to materialism and from revolutionary democratism to communism. The polemic The Holy Family was written in Paris in autumn 1844. It reflects the progress in the formation of Marx and Engels's revolutionary materialistic world outlook.In ""The Holy Family"" Marx and Engels give a devastating criticism of the subjectivist views of the Young Hegelians from the position of militant materialists. They, also criticize Hegel's own idealistic philosophy: giving credit for the rational element in his dialectics, they criticize the mystic side of it.The Holy Family formulates a number of fundamental theses of dialectical and historical materialism. In it Marx already approaches the basic idea of historical materialism - the decisive role of the mode of production in the development of society. Refuting the idealistic views of history which had dominated up to that time, Marx and Engels prove that of themselves progressive ideas can lead society only beyond the ideas of the old system and that ""in order to carry out ideas men are needed who dispose of a certain practical force."" (See p. 160 of the present edition.) The proposition put forward in the book that the mass, the people, is the real maker of the history of mankind is of paramount importance. Marx and Engels show that the wider and the more profound a change taking place in society is the more numerous Me mass effecting that change will Re Lenin especially stressed the importance of this thought and described it as one of the most profound and most important theses of historical materialism.The Holy Family contains the almost mature view of the historic role of the proletariat as the class which, by virtue of its position in capitalism, ""can and must free itself"" and at the same time abolish all the inhuman conditions of life of bourgeois society, for ""not in vain does"" the proletariat ""go through the stern but steeling school of labour. The question is not what this or that proletarian, or even the whole of the proletariat at the moment considers as its aim. The question is what the proletariat is, and what, consequent on that being, it will be compelled to do."" (pp. 52-53.)A section of great importance is ""Critical Battle against French Materialism"" in which Marx, briefly outlining the development of materialism in West-European philosophy, shows that communism is the logical conclusion of materialistic philosophy.The Holy Family was written largely under the influence of the materialistic views of Ludwig Feuerbach, who was, responsible to a great extent for Marx's and Engels's transition from idealism to materialism"" the work also contains elements of the criticism of Feuerbach's metaphysical and contemplative materialism given by Marx in spring 1845 in his Theses on Feuerbach. Engels later defined the place of The Holy Family in the history of Marxism when he wrote: ""The cult of abstract man, which formed the kernel of Feuerbach's new religion, had to be replaced by the science of real men and of their historical development. This further development of Feuerbach's standpoint beyond Feuerbach was inaugurated by Marx in 1845 in The Holy Family."" (F. Engels, Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy.)The Holy Family formulates some of the basic principles of Marxist political economy. In contrast to the Utopian Socialists Marx bases the objective inevitability of the victory of communism on the fact that private property in its economic motion drives itself towards its downfall.The Holy Family dates from a period when the process of the formation of Marxism was not yet completed. This is reflected in the terminology used by Marx and Engels. Marxist scientific terminology was gradually elaborated and defined by Marx and Engels as the formation and development of their teaching progressed."" (Introduction to the work by Foreign Languages Publishers)""The book made something of a splash in the newspapers. One paper noted, that it expressed socialist views since it criticised the ""inadequacy of any half-measures directed at eliminating the social ailments of our time."" The conservative press immediately recognized the radical elements inherent in its many arguments. One paper wrote that, in The Holy Family, ""every line preaches revolt... against the state, the church, the family, legality, religion and property."" It also noted that ""prominence is given to the most radical and the most open communism, and this is all the more dangerous as Mr. Marx cannot be denied either extremely broad knowledge or the ability to make use of the polemical arsenal of Hegel's logic, what is customarily called 'iron logic.'Lenin would later claim this work laid the foundations for what would develop into a scientific revolutionary materialist socialism."" (Marx Archive).‎

‎Anekdota zur neuesten deutschen Philosophie und Publicistik von Bruno Bauer, Ludwig Feuerbach, Friedrich Köppen, Karl Nauwerk, Arnold Ruge und einigen Ungenannten. 2 bde. [(Marx): Bemerkungen über die neueste preußische Censurinstruction. Von einem Rh... - [DEFINING THE ESSENCE OF REASON AS FREEDOM - MARX' DEBUT ARTICLE]‎

‎Zürich & Winterthur, Literarischen Comptoirs, 1843. 8vo. Bound in one nice later half calf binding in contemporary style with gilt title and blindstamped ornamentation to spine. Faded inscription of ""Eigenthus des Literar. Museum"" to both title-pages and last leaf of bot volumes. Stamps of the same Litarary Museum to volume 1, at both title-page, last leaf and a few leaves inbetween. Neat pencil annotations to a few leaves of volume 1. Neatly washed and with a few tiny closed tears to second gathering. A small spot to lower blank margin of pp. 195-8 of vol. 1. Contents generally clean and crisp. All in all a evry nice copy. IV, 320 + IV, 288 pp. [Marx' paper: Vol. I, pp. 56-88].‎

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‎Extremely scarce first edition of this two-volume periodical, which contains the first printing of Marx' first newspaper article, being the first political article written by Marx for publication, namely his ""Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction"". This important debut work, which constitutes the foundation of Marxian dialectic and his formulation of Critical Hegelianism, was written between January 15 and February 10, 1842, but due to censorship restrictions, it first appeared here, in Ruge's ""Anekdota"", in Switzerland in 1843, to avoid German censorship. ""The young Marx and the young Engels ridiculed the Prussian Censorship Law of 1841. The attack of the young Mark, ""Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction,"" was written in 1842 but published a year later in Ruge's ""Anekdota"".""Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction"" is an early exercise by the young Marx in the application of the categories of Hegelian critique. In this essay, the young Marx employed the Hegelian modalities of substance and essence to demonstrate the authoritarian nature of the Prussian Censorship Instruction. The young Marx utilized the concepts of substance and essence in the defence of free press. ""Comments on the Latest Prussian Censorship Instruction"" defines the essence of a free press as free mind, or the essence of reason as freedom. The young Marx argues that it was impossible for reason to act in accordance with its essence unless it was totally free, because without absolute freedom, reason cannot follow its own insights to their logical conclusion. Consequently, when the Prussian Censorship Instruction limits the freedom of reason, when it sets boundaries beyond which reason cannot go, the Prussian Government annihilates the essence of reason. The strategy of the young Marx is his essay is to adopt Hegelian logic in the cause of liberalism. He wished to show how Hegelian categories could be adjusted, could be transformed into weapons in the cause of political reform. In this essay, the young Marx proved two things, that he interpreted Hegel as a critical Hegelian and that he himself continued this Critical Hegelian tradition. In 1842, the young Marx explored, experimented with the use of Hegelian categories, essence, and appearance as devices by which to advance the cause of political progressivism, and this was the meaning of Critical Hegelianism in the generation of Gans."" (Norman Levine: Divergent Paths: Hegel in Marxism and Engelsism, pp. 142-43).""Karl's [i.e. Marx] politics had closely followed those of Ruge ever since the end of the 1830s. In 1842 and 1843, their responses to immediate events, not least the ""frivolous diatribes of the ""Free"", had remained very close. An established author, and in the possession of independent means, ""Papa Ruge"" - as Jenny called him - was clearly the senior partner in this collaboration. The banning of the ""Deutsche Jahrbücher"" in January 1843 as the result of Prussian pressure, together with the suppression of the ""Rheinische Zeitung"", meant the effective silencing of Young Hegelianism within Germany. The aim of the criticism, as it was applied among Young Hegelians, was to highlight the gap between the demands of reason and the behavior of the government, but its failure to make any significant headway against the Prussia of Friedrich Wilhelm IV had also pushed them both towards an open criticism of Hegel's political philosophy. (Gareth Steadman Jones: Karl Marx, Greatness and Illusion, p. 142).Although another anonymous essay ""Luther als Schiedsrichter zwischen Strauß und Feuerbach"" (Vol. II, pp. 206-208) has long been attributed to Marx, the preface to MECW I now states that ""recent research has proved that it was not written by Marx (Draper, register, p. 58). The piece might be by Feuerbach himself.‎

‎Kapital. Kritika politicheskoj ekonomii. Perevod c nmetskago. Tom pervoej. Kniga I. Protschess proizvodstva Kapitala. (Russian, = The Capital. Critique of the Political Economy. Translated from German. Volume One. Book I [all].). - [FIRST TRANSLATION INTO ANY LANGUAGE OF ""THE BIBLE OF MARXISM""]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, N.I. Poliakov, 1872. Large 8vo. In a nice recent half calf binding with gilt lettering to spine and five raised bands. First few leaves with light soling and a closed tear and a few marginal repairs to title-page. pp. 11-18 with repairs to upper outer corner. Closed tears to last leaf, otherwise a fine copy. XIII, (3), 678 pp. (wanting the half-title).‎

‎First Russian edition (first issue, with the issue-pointers), being the first translation into any language, of Marx' immensely influential main work, probably the greatest revolutionary work of the nineteenth century.Marx' groundbreaking ""Das Kapital"" originally appeared in German in 1867, and only the first part of the work appeared in Marx' lifetime. The very first foreign translation of the work was that into Russian, which, considering Russian censorship at the time, would seem a very unlikely event. But as it happened, ""Das Kapital"" actually came to enjoy greater renown in Russia than in any other country"" for many varying reasons, it won a warm reception in many political quarters in Russia, and it enjoyed a totally unexpected rapid and widespread success. The first Russian translation of ""Das Kapital"" came to have a profound influence the economic development of of Russia. It was frequently quoted in the most important economic and political discussions on how to industrialize Russia and the essential points of the work were seen by many as the essential questions for an industrializing Russia. "" ""Das Kapital"" arrived in Russia just at the moment that the Russian economy was recovering from the slump that followed Emancipation and was beginning to assume capitalist characteristics. Industrialization raised in the minds of the intelligentsia the question of their country's economic destiny. And it was precisely this concern that drew Mikhailovsky and many of the ""intelligenty"" to ""Das Kapital""."" (Resis, p. 232).The story of how the first printing of the first translation of ""Das Kapital"" came about, is quite unexpected. As the ""triumph of Marxism in backward Russia is commonly regarded as a historical anomaly"" (Resis, p. 221), so is the triumph of the first Russian edition of ""Das Kapital"". The main credit for the coming to be of the translation of ""Das Kapital"" must be given to Nicolai Danielson, later a highly important economist in his own right. The idea came from a circle of revolutionary youths in St. Petersburg, including N.F. Danielson, G.A. Lopatin, M.F. Negreskul, and N.N. Liubavin, all four of whom participated in the project. Danielson had read the work shortly after its publication and it had made such an impact on him that he decided to make it available to the Russian reading public. He persuaded N.I. Poliakov to run the risk of publishing it. ""Poliakov, the publisher, specialized in publishing authors, Russian and foreign, considered dangerous by the authorities. Poliakov also frequently subsidized revolutionaries by commissioning them to do translations for his publishing house. Diffusion of advanced ideas rather than profit was no doubt his primary motive in publishing the book."" (Resis, p. 222). Owing to Danielson's initiative, Poliakov engaged first Bakunin, and then Lopatin to do the translation. Danielson himself finished the translation and saw the work through press. It was undeniably his leadership that brought Marx to the Russian reading public. In fact, with the first Russian edition of ""Das Kapital"", Danielson was responsible for the first public success of the revolutionizing work. ""Few scholars today would deny that ""Das Kapital"" has had an enormous effect on history in the past hundred years. Nonetheless, when the book was published in Hamburg on September 5, 1867, it made scarcely a stir, except among German revolutionaries. Marx complained that his work was greeted by ""a conspiracy of silence"" on the part of ""a pack of liberals and vulgar economists."" However desperately he contrived to provoke established economists to take up ""Das Kapital""'s challenge to their work, his efforts came to nought. But in October 1868 Marx received good news from an unexpected source. From Nikolai Frantsevich Danielson, a young economist employed by the St. Petersburg Mutual Credit Society, came a letter informing Marx that N. P. Poliakov, a publisher of that city, desired to publish a Russian translation of the first volume of ""Das Kapital""" moreover, he also wanted to publish the forthcoming second volume. Danielson, the publisher's representative, requested that Marx send him the proofs of volume 2 as they came off the press so that Poliakov could publish both volumes simultaneously. Marx replied immediately. The publication of a Russian edition of volume 1, he wrote, should not be held up, because the completion of volume 2 might be delayed by some six months [in fact, it did not appear in Marx' life-time and was only published ab. 17 years later, in 1885]" and in any case volume 1 represented an independent whole. Danielson proceeded at once to set the project in motion. Nearly four years passed, however, before a Russian translation appeared. Indeed, a year passed before the translation was even begun, and four translators tried their hand at it before Danielson was able to send the manuscript to the printers in late December 1871."" (Resis, pp. 221-22). This explains how the book came to be translated, but how did this main work of revolutionary thought escape the rigid Russian censors? ""By an odd quirk of history the first foreign translation of ""Das Kapital"" to appear was the Russian, which Petersburgers found in their bookshops early in April 1872. Giving his imprimatur, the censor, one Skuratov, had written ""few people in Russia will read it, and still fewer will understand it."" He was wrong: the edition of three thousand sold out quickly"" and in 1880 Marx was writing to his friend F.A. Sorge that ""our success is still greater in Russia, where ""Kapital"" is read and appreciated more than anywhere else."" (PMM 359, p.218). Astonishingly, Within six weeks of the publication date, nine hundred copies of the edition of three thousand had already been sold.""Under the new laws on the press, ""Das Kapital"" could have been proscribed on any number of grounds. The Temporary Rules held, for example, that censorship must not permit publication of works that ""expound the harmful doctrines of socialism or communism"" or works that ""rouse enmity and hatred of one class for another."" The Board of Censors of Foreign Publications was specifically instructed to prohibit importation of works contrary to the tenets of the Orthodox Church or works that led to atheism, materialism, or disrespect for Scriptures. Nor did the recent fate of the works of Marx and Engels at the hands of the censors offer much hope that ""Das Kapital"" would pass censorship. As recently as August 11, the censors of foreign works had decided to ban importation of Engels' ""Die Lage der arbeitenden Klassen in England"", and, according to Lopatin, the censors reprimanded Poliakov for daring to run announcements on book jackets of the forthcoming publication of ""Das Kapital"". By 1872 the censors had prohibited the importation and circulation of all works by Marx and Engels except one - ""Das Kapital"". The book, as we shall see, had already won some recognition in Russia shortly after its publication in Germany. Not until 1871, however, did the censors render a judgment on the book, when the Central Committee of Censors of Foreign Publications, on the recommendation of its reader, permitted importation and circulation of the book both in the original language and in translation. The official reader had described the book as ""a difficult, inaccessible, strictly scientific work,"" implying that it could scarcely pose a danger to the state. [...] The length and complexity of the book prompted the office to divide the task of scrutinizing it between two readers, D. Skuratov, who read the first half of the book, and A. De-Roberti, who read the last half. Skuratov dutifully listed objectionable socialist and antireligious passages, taking special note of Marx's harsh attack on the land reforms General Kiselev had instituted in the Danubian Principalities. But in his report Skuratov dismissed these attacks as harmless, since they were imbedded in a ""colossal mass of abstruse, somewhat obscure politico-economic argumentation."" Indeed, he regarded the work as its own best antidote to sedition. ""It can be confidently stated,"" he wrote, ""that in Russia few will read it and even fewer will understand it."" Second, he said, the book could do little harm. Since the book attacked a system rather than individual persons, Skuratov implied that the book would not incite acts threatening the safety of the royal family and government officials. Third, he believed that the argument of the book did not apply to Russia. Marx attacked the unbridled competition practiced in the British factory system, and such attacks, Skuratov asserted, could find no target in Russia because the tsarist regime did not pursue a policy of laissez faire. Indeed, at that very moment, Skuratov stated, a special commission had drafted a plan that ""as zealously protects the workers' well-being from abuses on the part of the employers as it protects the employers' interests against lack of discipline and nonfulfillment of obligations on the part of the workers."" Repeating most of Skuratov's views, De-Roberti also noted that the book contained a good account of the impact of the factory system and the system of unpaid labor time that prevailed in the West. In spite of the obvious socialist tendency of the book, he concluded, a court case could scarcely be made against it, because the censors of foreign works had already agreed to permit importation and circulation of the German edition. With the last barrier removed, on March 27, 1872, the Russian translation of ""Das Kapital"" went on sale in the Russian Empire. The publisher, translators, and advocates of the book had persevered in the project for nearly four years until they were finally able to bring the book to the Russian reading public."" (Resis, pp. 220-22). The Russian authorities quickly realized, however, that Skuratov's statement could not have been more wrong, and the planned second edition of the Russian translation was forbidden"" thus it came to be published in New York, in 1890. That second edition is nearly identical to the first, which can be distinguished by the misplaced comma opposite ""p. 73"" in the table of contents (replaced by a full stop in the 2nd ed.) and the ""e"" at the end of l. 40 on p. 65 (replaced by a ""c"" in the 2nd ed.). A third edition, translated from the fourth German edition, appeared in 1898. Volumes 2 and 3 of ""Das Kapital"" appeared in Russian translation, also by Danielson, in 1885 and 1896.See: Albert Resis, Das Kapital Comes to Russia, in: Slavic Review, Vol. 29, No. 2 (Jun., 1970), pp. 219-237.‎

‎El Capital. Resumido y acompanado de un estudio sobre el socialismo científico por Gabriel Deville. Primera edición [Marx / Deville] (+) Socialismo Utopico y Socialismo Cientifico [Engels] (+) La Ley de Los Salarios y Sus Consecuencias [Guesde]. - [FIRST SPANISH EDITION OF THE MOST IMPORTANT ABRIDGED VERSION OF ""THE CAPITAL""]‎

‎Madrid, Ricardo Fé, 1887. 8vo. Contemporary brown half calf with gilt lettering and ornamentation to spine and red paper covered boards. Most leaves evenly browned (due to the quality of the paper) and some brownspotting to last few leaves. Overall a very good copy indeed of this otherwise fragile book. [Socialismo Utopico... :] pp. (1)-91, (1) + frontispiece of Engels" [La Ley de Los Salarios... :] pp. (1)-44 + frontiespiece of Guesde" [El Capital:] pp. (I)-LVI, 263 pp.‎

‎The exceedingly scarce first Spanish edition of the most important abridged version of Marx's Capital ever to have appeared, published in the same year as what is generally accepted as the first Spanish edition of ""Das Kapital"" (Zafrilla's abridged version - defectively translated from Roy's French version - which was published in newspaper installments 1886-87).This Spanish translation was made from the French of Gabriel Deville (1854 -1940), the great French socialist theoretician, politician and diplomat, who did more than almost anyone else to raise awareness of Karl Marx's theories of the weaknesses of capitalism - most effectively through the present work, which came to have a profound influence upon the spreading of Marxist thought throughout the Spanish speaking part of the world. ""The epitome, here translated, was published in Paris, in 1883, by Gabriel Deville, possibly the most brilliant writer among the French Marxians. It is the most successful attempt yet made to popularize Marx's scientific economics. It is by no means free from difficulties, for the subject is essentially a complex and difficult subject, but there are no difficulties that reasonable attention and patience will not enable the average reader to overcome. There is no attempt at originality. The very words in most cases are Marx's own words, and Capital is followed so closely that the first twenty-five chapters correspond in subject and treatment with the first twenty-five chapters of Capital. Chapter XXVI corresponds in the main with Chapter XXVI of Capital, but also contains portions of chapter XXX. The last three chapters-XXVII, XXVIII, and XXIX-correspond to the last three chapters-XXXI, XXXII, and XXXIII-of Capital."" (ROBERT RIVES LA MONTE, Intruductory Note to the 1899 English translation).The Spanish translator of the work is Antonio Atienza, a typographer and translator at the press of Ricardo Fé, who in 1886 volunteered his work at the newly founded ""El Socialista"", the Spanish flagship publication of Marxist socialism. It was also in 1886 that Atienza translated the present work, with the publication following in 1887. This translation happened almost simultaneously with the ""translation"" by Zafrilla, which appeared in weekly installments in the rival newspaper ""La Républica"", and the two first versions of ""Das Kapital"" to appear in Spanish tell the story of more than just the desire to spread Marx's ideas in Spain. Both versions were part of an ongoing struggle between political parties vying for the loyalty of Spain's workers (see more below). THE WORK IS OF THE UTMOST SCARCITY, WITH MERELY THREE COPIES LISTED ON OCLC (two in Bristish Library and one in Bibliothèque Nationale) and none at auction over the last 40 years at least.Backgrund for the publication:Among the numerous nascent political organizations that sprouted in the last half of 19th century Spain, many of them as a result to the tumultuous years after the so-called ""Glorious Revolution"" of 1868, was the Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE). The party was founded by Pablo Iglesias in 1879, and it was the second socialist party in Europe, preceded only by the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD). Notably, of the original twenty-five founding members sixteen were typographers. March of 1886 was a turning point for the PSOE, as they began to publish a weekly newspaper, ""El Socialista"", in order to reach a wider audience throughout Spain and thus advance the Marxist socialist agenda, of which the paper became the flagship. (To this day, it is the official paper of the PSOE, the present ruling party in Spain, although it was suppressed during the years of Franco's dictatorial regime and published sporadically in exile, in France, or clandestinely in Spain. It was again published regularly since 1978. The PSOE gave up Marxism in 1979 in favor of Democratic Socialism.)In 1886 the translator of the present work, Antonio Atienza, was a typographer and translator at the press of Ricardo Fé. At the same time, he volunteered his work at the newly founded El Socialista, as the PSOE funds were quite limited-he wouldn't have a paid position in the paper until 1913. He translated articles by Engels, Guesde, and Buechner, among others.""Das Kapital"" had been published twenty years earlier. That it took so long to reach Spain in book form reveals, among other things, that up to that moment most of Marx's thoughts had filtered through to the workers' unions and parties by way of the writings of his followers as they were interpreted and explained by the intellectuals in charge of these organizations. It is also evident that the complexity of the book wouldn't be of much use to the average worker, factory and otherwise. Enter Deville's abridged version, which was more accessible in that some of the most basic ideas of Marx were digested and re-explained. The point was not to publish a book that could only be only be understood by economists and philosophers, but one that could be given to the workers. A rival party leftist party, considered by the PSOE as bourgeois, was the Partido Republicano Federal. One of its members, Pablo Correa y Zafrilla, undertook the task of translating the first volume of Das ""Kapital"". Quite usual for Spain at the time, the translation was published in weekly instalments to subscribers of their newspaper, ""La República"", starting in 1886 and ending in 1887. The paper then sold the cloth binding to its subscribers and offered to collect the installments to have the book bound for its customers. According to the ad in ""La República"" (22/1/1886), the translation is purportedly from the German original, but it has been clearly demonstrated that it is a defective translation from the French translation of Roy (Ribas). It seems very plausible that when the PSOE found out that someone else in Spain was beginning to publish a translation of the first volume of ""Das Kapital"", El Socialista decided to publish Deville's translation. In fact, the publication of El Capital by ""La República"" was briefly mentioned once in ""El Socialista"", and not in flattering terms (7/10/1887). That a Marxist newspaper disparaged against the first Spanish publication of ""Das Kapital"" reveals, among other things, that they were not terribly excited about some other party's publication producing a defective rendering of their guiding principles. On the other hand, that ""La República"" had decided to publish the book was probably brought about by the foundation of ""El Socialista"", as they saw that the PSOE now had the means to spread their ideas throughout the country. It is in no small way possible that the haste to publish the book brought about the many defects in the translation from the French of Roy as Correa hurried to finish it.José Mesa y Leompart, a typographer, translator, and Marxist ideologue and activist, had experienced the upheavals of the Commune of Paris during his exile after the 1868 revolution. He developed a friendship with Marx's son in law, Paul Lafargue, and his wife, Laura Marx-who themselves had been in exile in Spain during 1871-72-, as well as with Engels, with whom he shared much correspondence, and many other figures of the Marxist movement. He also met both Marx and Engels during their exile in London. His friendship with Pablo Iglesias was a major driving force behind the formation of the PSOE, and he collaborated with El Socialista both as a writer and as a financial supporter. Mesa writes to Engels in April of 1887 lamenting that some Spanish thinkers were using Marx's theories and the policies of the German Socialist Party to deny the concept of class struggle, despite the fact that ""we have […] proven to them that you and Marx have always said the opposite, and having quoted to them the very clear statements of the German Socialist Party"" [but] they remain unmovable, and at some point they even wanted to publish the abridged Capital by Deville, without the preface, and with notes interpreting the meaning in their own way-which we have impeded-(the Resumen [abridgement] of Deville will soon be published, faithfully translated into Spanish.""Therefore, as early as April of 1887 the present translation was already in progress, and in fact, according to Mesa, soon to be published, so it was apparently very advanced. It is then quite possible that Antonio Atienza was commissioned to translate the Deville's abridgement a few months earlier, and not unlikely as far as 1886, when ""La República"" was still publishing installments of the Correa translation. The PSOE is obviously trying to obscure and minimize Correa's translation by publishing the Deville book, as the task of translating ""Das Kapital"" from the original would be lengthy and costly, and it would have come out too late to ascertain their political hold on Marx's ideas. This translation of Deville, then, sees the light is in the very midst of the bickering between leftist parties, and is in fact a product of the confrontations between leftist ideologies. It was finally published about nine months after Mesa's letter to Engels. The first announcement in ""El Socialista"" appears in their November 11th, 1887 issue. The price is four pesetas, or about the cost of an entire year's subscription to the paper, although subscribers could purchase it at half price. Still, given that many subscribers were workers of scarce means, less than three hundred copies were sent out to the main Spanish cities, and that the total edition was probably about a thousand copies at most.The scarcity of this book can be underlined if one considers the virulent war that was waged against all socialist and Marxist literature during and after the Spanish Civil War by the dictatorial regime of Francisco Franco. Book purges and burnings were considerable throughout Spain since the onset of the war, in 1936. It is not that books were burnt sporadically and occasionally, but rather they were destroyed in a systematic and terrifyingly efficient manner. As early as September of 1936 official orders were given to all civil governors, mayors, school inspectors in the nationalist areas to purge all ""harmful"" books, such as pornography and books of a communist or Marxist content. Teachers, librarians, and private citizens, often purged their own libraries, public or personal, of such works in order to comply with the official orders. Countless people were summarily executed for owning certain books that revealed their political tendencies. Obviously, owning actual edition of a book by Marx was reason enough to be deemed guilty and likely executed. As the war advanced, many other such official orders were issued, and unfathomable numbers of books were burnt. To this is added that many libraries were burnt down during the bombardments that took place throughout the country, and that all the libraries of the leftist parties were systematically destroyed. The end of the war, in 1939, only made it official throughout the entire country that communist and socialist literature was banned. So even the few copies that might have survived the fires and the purges were surely disposed of by their owners. It is no small wonder that this particular copy did manage to survive.Withbound in the present volume is the first Spanish translation of Engels' ""Socialism: Utopian and Scientific"" and Jules Guesde's work on the Law of Wages. See:Ribas, Pedro. ""La primera traducción castellana de El capital, 1886 - 1887"", in Cuadernos Hispanoamericanos, Madrid, junio de 1985, pp. 201-210.Castillo, Santiago. ""Marxismo y socialismo en el siglo XIX español"", in, Movimiento sociales y estado en la España contemporánea, Manuel Ortiz et al (coord.), Universidad de Castila-La Mancha, 2001Boza Puerta, Mariano, and Sánchez Herrador, Miguel Ángel. ""El martirio de los libros: una aproximación a la destrucción bibliográfica durante la Guerra Civil."" In Boletín de la Asociación Andaluza de Bibliotecarios. Año nº 22, Nº 86-87, 2007, págs. 79-96Tur, Francesc. https://serhistorico.net/2018/04/04/el-bibliocausto-en-la-espana-de-franco-1936-1939/‎

‎L'Art Roman en Belgique. Architecture, Art Monumental. ‎

‎ Éditions J. M. Collet, 1997. 32 x 25 cm, 176 pp. Relié cartonnage d'éditeur sous jaquette illustrée. Très bon état. Avec 255 illustrations en noir et en couleurs, plans, notes, bibliographies, index. ‎

5 Images

‎Oeuvres I. Economie 1. Edition de Maximilien Rubel. ‘Bibliothèque de la Pléiade’.‎

‎Paris, Gallimard, 1965, pt. in-8°, CLXXVI + 1820 p., reliure de l'éditeur, jaquette.‎

‎Economie: misère de la philosophie - Le Manifeste communiste - Le Capital (Livre I), etc. ‎

‎Oeuvres. ‘La Pléiade 164 & 204’. Tom I & II. Ens 2 volumes.‎

‎Paris, Gallimard, NRF, 1972, pt. in-8°, 1821 p. / 1970 p., reliures en cuir originales, jaquettes rhodoïds‎

‎Contient e.a.: Tome 1: Misère de la philosophie - Le Manifeste communiste - Le Capital (Livre I) / Tome 2: Economie et philosophie - Salaire - Le Capital (Livre II et III). ‎

‎André DUNOYER DE SEGONZAC. Coll. des ‘Cahiers d'aujourd'hui’. ‎

‎Paris, Georges Crès et Cie, 1925, gr. in-4to, 40 p. + 30 planches en noir/blanc, brochure originale.‎

‎Register zu den Staatsverträgen der Schweiz mit dem Ausland.‎

‎Bern, 1934, in-8°, 3 Bl. + 51 S., Hlwd. (Bibl.).‎

‎Die regionalpolitische Rolle des regionalen Luftverkehrs. Diss.‎

‎Zürich, 1974, in-8vo, 231 S., Original-Broschüre.‎

‎Matthäus Daniel Pöppelmann. Der Architekt des Dresdner Zwingers.‎

‎Leipzig, E. A. Seeman Buch und Kunstverlag, 1990, gr. in-4to, 301 S., reich und farbig ill., Original-Leinenband. OU. ill.‎

‎Werke. 15 Bde. (Unvollst.) ‎

‎Berlin, Dietz, 1957-1968, gr. in-8°, Leinenbände.‎

‎Band: 1 , 2, 3, 4, 6, 8, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, Verzeichnis. ‎

‎Maçonnerie, maçonneries. 1990, 205 p. ‎

‎1) Ein Vortrag über die Revolution von 1905. 2) Die grosse Initiative. 3) Uber das Reaktionäre Preussentum. Zweite Auflage. 4) Anteil der Arbeit an der Menschwerdung des Affen. 5) Zur Geschichte der preussischen Bauern. 6) Artikel aus ‘The Labour Standard’. 7) Uber die Gewaltstheorie. Gewalt und Okonomie bei der Herstellung des neuen Deutschen Reiches. 8) Die Entwicklung des Sozialismus von der Utopie zur Wissenschaft. 9) Der Deutsche Bauernkrieg. 10) Der Ursprung der Familie, des Privateigentums und des Staats. 11) Ludwig Feuerbach und der Ausgang der klassischen deutschen Philosophie. 11 Bde zus.‎

‎Berlin, Verlag Neuer Weg GMBH., 1946, in-8vo, Original-Broschüre.‎

‎Vertès un et divers. Etude. (Avec un lithogr. originale).‎

‎Paris, Trinckvel, 1961, gr. in-4to, 150 ., richement ill., Exemplaire portant le n°189 (sur 300) avec une lithographie originale de VERTES, cartonnage original , dos renforcé de toile, jaquette ill. en couleurs, coiffes renforcées à l’intérieur de la jaquette, bel exemplaire.‎

‎ Image disp.‎

‎Rembrandt. (langue française).‎

‎Paris, Pierre Tisné, 1960, in-4to, 365 p., très rich. ill., reliure en toile originale, emboîtage en toile.‎

‎Répertoire systématique des traités en vigueur entre la Confédération Suisse ou les Cantons et l'étranger. Publié par mission du Dépt. Féd. de Justice et Police.‎

‎Zürich, Orell Füssli, 1918, in-8°, XIV + 410 p. + dépl. ‘Tableau des délits d'extradition’, timbre de bibl., reliure en toile originale.‎

‎Livre de prières pour la jeunesse Catholique. Traduit de l’allemand par M. l’abbé Robert.‎

‎Francfort s. M., Andreae, 1826, pt. in-8vo, frontispice gravé (Vierge) + X + 276 p., belle reliure en plein-veau, dos à 3 faux-nerfs avec titre et filets en or, plats ornés en reliefs avec double encadrement en or, tranches dorées, contre-plats et gardes recouverts de soie grise, encadrés par une élégante ornamentation en or. Bel exemplaire.‎

‎ Image disp.‎

‎André DUNOYER DE SEGONZAC. (En langue française). ‎

‎Genève, Pierre Cailler, 1951, gr. in-4to, 116 p. + 161 planches en noir + planches en couleurs + XIII p., brochure originale.‎