19 books for « leibnitz leibniz »Edit

‎Exposition de la doctrine de Leibnitz sur la religion, suivie de pensées extraites des ouvrages du même auteur‎

‎Paris, Tournachon-Molin et H.Seguin/Le Clere 1819 xix + 439pp., 21cm., Première traduction en français de l'ouvrage en latin "Systema theologicum" de Leibniz, avec le texte latin en regard, reliure cart. (dos en cuir avec titre et faux-nerfs dorés, texte frais sauf quelques rares rousseurs, petit cachet sur la fausse page de titre, bon état, F113610‎

‎Pensées de Leibnitz sur la réligion et la morale - Tome I (par M.Emery - nouvelle éd. corrigée et augmentée)‎

‎, Bruxelles, Société Nationale 1838, 340pp., couv.salie, cachets, dos reparé, F884‎

‎La Monadologie publiée d'après les manuscrits et accompagnée d'éclaircissements par Emile BOUTROUX - suivie d'une note sur les principes de la mécanique dans Descartes et dans Leibnitz par Henri POINCARÉ‎

‎, Paris, Delagrave 1938, vi + 232pp., 11e mille, dos reparé, intérieur en bon état, F21263‎

‎Pensées de Leibnitz, sur la religion et la morale [2 parties en 1 vol.]‎

‎Bruxelles, Société nationale 1838 2 parties en 1 vol.: 340 + 380pp.avec front., reliure cart.avec plats marbrés, dos en cuir avec titre et décoration marbrées, feuilles de garde marbrées, 18cm., nouvelle éd. (corrigée et augmentée), bon état‎

‎Lettres de M. de Leibnitz á M. Herman. Part I-II. (I.No. I-III - II. No. 1-26).‎

‎(Berlin, Haude et Spener, 1759). 4to. No wrappers as issued in ""Memoires de l'Academie Royale des Sciences et Belles Lettres"". tome XIII, 1757. Titlepage (Classe de Philosophie Spéculative) and pp. (451-)522.‎

‎First appearance of this remarkable, mathematical correspondance, comprising 29 letters mostly of mathematical content, and after the death of Herman leading to some controveries in relation to priorities.Ravier ""Bibliographie des Oeuvres de Leibniz"" No. 465.‎

‎Christiani Hugenii aliorumque seculi XVII virorum celebrium exercitationes mathematicae et philosophicae. ex manuscriptis in Bibliotheca Academiae Lugduno-Batavae. Fasciculus 1: Chr. Hugenii, Leibnitii et Hospitalii epistolas mutuas.‎

‎Hagae Comitum (The Hague, 's Gravenhage), ex typographia Regia, 1833, in-4to, 1 leaf + IV + 324 p. + 1 leaf (errata) + 2 folding plates, heavy foxing in places, light waterstaining to a few leaves and to bottom of both plates, upper corner of front endpaper cut off and repaired, half calf binding, marbled paper on covers, red title label on gold tooled spine, hinge of frontcover loose, slight rubbing.‎

‎» Important collection of 91 scientific letters «The correspondence of three of the greatest 17th century scientists. Some of these letters were very influencial to the development of certain aspects of mathematics.It is the first publication of Huygens' correspondence with Leibniz and L'Hopital translated from the Latin language into French and published by Petrus Joannes Uylenbroek. He was professor at the Dutch Academy of Physics and Astronomy in Leiden. This first part of this volume contains 56 letters between Leibniz (34) and Huygens (22) (LVI and not altogether LXXVI letters; printing error starting after letter number XLI: LXII-LXXVI), written between 1674 and 1694. The 2nd part (ff. 215ff.) contains 35 letters between the marquis Guillaume F.A. de L'Hopital (19) and Huygens (16), written between 1690 and 1695. Poggendorff II/1164 (Uylenbroek); DHBS VI/613 (Huygens), VIII/149-168 (Leibniz), VIII/304-305 (L'Hopital). ‎

‎Essais de Theodicée sur la Bonté de Dieu, la Liberté de L'Homme, et L'Origine du Mal + Appendices sux Essais de Theodicee sur la Bonté ...2 Vols.‎

‎A Amsterd., D.Mortier, 1720. Bound in one cont.full calf. Spine richly blindtooled. XLI,(3),520 pp. + 1 fold. table. A fine clean copy.‎

‎The scarce third edition of Leibnitz' importent treatise on the goodnes of God, the free will of man and the causes of evil in the world, The principal subject of the work being the problem of liberty and free will. It is the only larger philosophical work published by Leibnitz himself.Ravier No 67 (the first ed. from 1710) - PMM: 177 (1710-edition).‎

‎Principia Philosophiae [i.e. ""The Monadology""/""Monadologie""/""Theory of Monads""] + (Chr. Wolff:) Das Herrn Gottfrid Wilhelm von Leibnitz Lehrsätze über die Monadologie &c... [In: Actorum Eruditorum, Supplementa. Tomus VII + Acta Eruditorum anno 1721]. - [THE MONADOLOGY - A NEW PHILOSOPHY]‎

‎Leipzig, 1721. 4to. Both entire volumes (Acta Eruditorum 1721 + Supplementa VII, 1721) present, in uniform contemporary full vellum bindings with handwriting to spines. A small later label to top of spines. Old handwritten ex libris-inscription to top of both title-pages as well as a small stamp. The supplement-volume with an additional stamp to title-page, and both volumes with library label (Archiv des k.k. militär.-geograf Institutes) to pasted down front free end-paper. As usual some brownspotting. A nice set. pp. 500-514 (Supplement-vol.) + pp. 94-95. [Entire volumes: (2), 537, (39) pp. + three plates (Suppl.-vol.) + (4), 547, (42) pp. + five plates].‎

‎The highly important first Latin translation of Leibnitz' seminal ""The Monadology"" - his main philosophical work and the work that stands as the epitomization of anti-materialism - which was not published in the original French until 1814, and which only appeared in a German translation (exceedingly scarce) in 1720 and in a Latin translation, by Christian Wolff, in 1721, as it is here. Up until then, Leibnitz' key philosophical text had only circulated in manuscript form (written in 1714). - Here sold together with Wolff's anonymously written review of (the German version of the) ""Monadology"", which had great impact upon the reception of the seminal philosophical text that is the ""Monadology"".""Until the XXth century, criticism about Leibniz's ""Principles of Nature and Grace"" and ""Monadology"" has been characterised by a number of mistakes and misunderstandings, which have roots in the circumstances surrounding the genesis of these manuscripts. As a consequence, erroneous information about these texts was included in an anonymous review, published in 1721 in the ""Acta eruditorum"" of Leipzig. Research on primary sources proves that the author of this review (who was in fact the author of the latin translation of the Monadology, published immediately afterwards) was Christian Wolff, who was in possession of a copy of Leibniz's manuscript as early as 1717. Wolff's initiative of translating the Monadology can be seen as part of a cultural strategy aiming to prevent any idealistic interpretation of Leibniz's monadological thought. From this point of view, to consider the theory of pre-established harmony as based on a system of strictly dualistic metaphysics was an essential element of Wolff's philosophical strategy.""(Antonio Lamarra: Contexte génétique et première reception de la ""Monadologie"". Leibniz, Wolff et la doctrine de l'harmonie préétablie""). During his last stay in Vienna from 1712 to September 1714, Leibniz wrote two short texts, which were meant as concise expositions of his philosophy, namely the ""Principes de la Nature et de la Grace fondés en raison"" (written as a letter to Prince Eugene of Savoy) and the work we now know as the ""Monadology"" (which he had been asked to write by Nicolas Redmond, Duke of Orleons) - the latter being the work that established Leibnitz' fame as a philosopher and which has gone down in history as, not only as one of the most important philosophical texts of the 18th century, but also, arguably the most important work of immaterialism. After his death ""Principes de la Nature et de la Grace fondés en raison"" appeared in French in the Netherlands. Without having seen this publication, Christian Wolff and collaborators had assumed that it contained the French original of the ""Monadology"" as well, although this in fact remained unpublished until 1840. Thus it happened that Leibnitz' key philosophical text, which came to be known as ""The Monadology"", was printed in German and Latin ab. 120 years before it appeared in the original French. The German translation appeared in 1720 as ""Lehrsätze über die Monadologie"" and the following year the Latin translation appeared, in Acta Eruditorum, as ""Principia philosophiae"". Three manuscript versions of the text exist: the first written by Leibniz and overcharged with corrections and two further emended copies with some corrections appearing in one but not the other. ""Leibniz was one of the last ""universal men"" of the type which the Italian Renaissance had ideally postulated: philosopher, historian, mathematician, scientist, lawyer, librarian, and diplomat. In all these fields either all his actual achievements or his seminal suggestions have become part and parcel of European thought. Although trained for the law, mathematics was his favourite subject. Independently of Newton he worked out the infinitesimal calculus, introduced a number of mathematical symbols now in general use, and constructed an early calculating machine, the ancestor of our computers. Mathematical conceptions also determine his philosophy. In it, Leibniz tried to combine physics and metaphysics and to reconcile philosophy and theology. The ""essay on a Theodicy"" is the only larger philosophical work published by himself"" but his fame as a philosopher rests on his ""Theory of Monads"". The original French text of this was published for the first time in 1840"" but it had circulated in manuscript in its initial form of a letter addressed to Prince Eugene of Savoy (1714) and it was printed in German (1720) and Latin (1721) translations. Leibniz proclaimed a ""pre-established harmony"" of the universe which he explained as composed of hierarchically ordered ""monads"", i.e. the ultimate substances of mind as well as matter. This concept clearly reflects the ideal of the properly organized absolutist state of the baroque period and derives partly from the ""idées simples"" of Descartes whom Leibniz greatly admired. A generation later, Voltaire ridiculed the ""pre-established harmony"" in ""Candide"""" but modern nuclear science has vindicated Leibniz's basic ideas, albeit from different presuppositions."" (Printing and the Mind of Man, pp. 105-6). The ""Monadology"" is an extremely condense work that consists of 90 (in this Latin version, 93) numbered sections/paragraphs, which outline a metaphysics of a single substance. The Monadology ends the dualistic mind-body-problem of Descartes and offers a new solution to the question of the interaction between mind and matter, by explaining the pre-established harmony and the synchronous (not causal) relationship between the realm of final causes and that of efficient causes. Leibniz' groundbreaking work came to profoundly influence not only 18th century thought, but also much later philosophy and logic. For this we have to thank Christian Wolff, the translator of the ""Monadology"" into Latin and the first reviewer of the work. It is through Wolff and his elaboration of the development of Leibniz' speculative and metaphysical views that Leibniz becomes a recognized figure of importance, particularly in Germany from the 1720'ies onwards, where Wolff's writings were standardly studied. ""Notably, Wolff's Leibnizianism made a deep impact on Kant, in whose ""Critique of Pure Reason"" (1781) Leibniz himself came to figure as one of the main targets of Kant's anti-metaphysical programme. In particular, Kant saw Leibniz as pretending to ""a priori"" knowledge of the world as it is in itself and presented his own claim that the only knowledge we can have is of the world as it appears in our experience as sharply opposed to the Leibnizian vision. [...] today shows that his thought has survived even the extreme empiricism of the Vienna Circle in the 1930s, which would have viewed its principal doctrines as unverifiable and hence utterly meaningless. Although not in evidence in the ""Monadology"" itself, one of Leibniz' preoccupations was with the philosophy of logic and language, and the twentieth-century's concern for those topics has discovered in what he had to say about them a treasure house of good sense and wisdom which can be detached from the less appealing of his metaphysical speculations. Then, more recent writers who have been interested in the metaphysics of possibility and necessity have found inspiration in the Leibnizian image of possible worlds, and that too has helped keep his name alive for us."" (Savile, ""Leibniz and the Monadology"", pp. 6-7). ""The long span of Leibniz' intellectual life and his early involvement with philosophy made for engagement with a wide variety of philosophical traditions and issues. Early studies at home exposed him to the thought of the Scholastics"" during his university years he was something of a materialist, influenced by the atomism of Bacon and Gassendi. In his mid-20s and early 30s, becoming disenchanted with the intellectual prospects for materialist thought, he turned towards the sort of immaterialism that came to shape his mature thinking after the decade between 1675 and 1685 when he was more narrowly concerned with mathematics than philosophy. It is this anti-materialism that is epitomized in the ""Monadology"" itself...Although Leibniz produced a prodigious quantity of philosophical writing very little of it was published in his lifetime"" indeed, very little was intended for publication. For the most part..., his philosophical thoughts were prepared for individual scholars he had met, or with whom he corresponded, and were never presented as a worked-out system... it was not until the last period of his life that he found the time and the impetus to set down the whole, which he did in two condensed papers written in French during a visit to Vienna.The more popular and less taxing of these was the ""Principles of Nature and Grace Founded on Reason"", which he prepared for Prince Eugène of Savoy, and the second, which he had been asked to write by the councellor of the Duke of Orleans, Nicolas Remond, but never sent off, was the ""Principles of Philosophy"" or, as he called it ""Elucidation Concerning Monads"" ... The title by which that work is known today, ""Monadology"", was not one that Leibniz ever gave it, but was invented by the work's first editor, Henrich Kohler, who published it in a German translation under that title in 1720."" (Savile, ""Leibniz and the Monadology"", pp. 3-4). ""Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646-1716) was one of the great thinkers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and is known as the last ""universal genius"". He made deep and important contributions to the fields of metaphysics, epistemology, logic, philosophy of religion, as well as mathematics, physics, geology, jurisprudence, and history. Even the eighteenth-century French atheist and materialist Denis Diderot, whose views were very often at odds with those of Leibniz, could not help being awed by his achievement, writing in his entry on Leibniz in the Encyclopedia, ""Perhaps never has a man read as much, studied as much, meditated more, and written more than Leibniz... What he has composed on the world, God, nature, and the soul is of the most sublime eloquence. If his ideas had been expressed with the flair of Plato, the philosopher of Leipzig would cede nothing to the philosopher of Athens."" (""Oeuvres complètes"", vol. 7, p. 709) Indeed, Diderot was almost moved to despair in this piece: ""When one compares the talents one has with those of a Leibniz, one is tempted to throw away one's books and go die quietly in the dark of some forgotten corner."" (""Oeuvres complètes"", vol. 7, p. 678) More than a century later, Gottlob Frege, who fortunately did not cast his books away in despair, expressed similar admiration, declaring that ""in his writings, Leibniz threw out such a profusion of seeds of ideas that in this respect he is virtually in a class of his own."" (""Boole's logical Calculus and the Concept-script"" in ""Posthumous Writings"", p. 9)."" (SEP).Ravier: 357(PMM 177b - being the Latin translation)‎

‎Theodicaea, Oder Versuch und Abhandlung, Wie der Güte und Gerechtigkeit Gottes, In Ansehung Der Menschlichen Freyheit, und des Ursprungs des Bösen, zu vertheidigen" Aus dem Frantzösischen übersetzt, Bei diesen dritten Auflage an vielen Orten verbesser...‎

‎Hannover, Zu finden bey Nicolai Försters und Sohns sel. Erben, 1735. 8vo. Cont.full vellum w. author and title in old hand on back. Bdg. a bit soiled. Internally a bit of brownspotting., title-page w. professionally repaired tear. Inner front-hinge starting to crack, but bdg. and bookblock tight. Overall a good and fairly well preserved copy. With engr. portrait, woodcut vignettes and one folded engr. plate depicting an early calculating machine. (28), 64, 1030 pp.‎

‎Rare third German edition. Last Richter-edition. First published in French in 1710. It is the only larger philosophical work, Leibnitz himself published and it is a work of immense importance to philosophy, theology and mathematics. In this work Leibniz represents his excellent calculating machine, which has served as the basis for what we now call a computer, as he presents the binary arithmetic, ""Rechnen mit Null und Eins"" (""calculating with zero and one"") in the Beylage (p. 926), which forms the basis for the much later developed computer science (see PMM 177). This work contains ""Anmerkungen"" by Richter and ""Lebens=Beschreibung"" by Fontenelle, followed by ""Beylage"". In these ""Beylage"" we find the method of converting numbers into the binary system, which here is said to be ""etwas recht neues, welches der Herr Leibnitz zu Hanover erfunden"" (""something brand new, which Mr. Leibnitz von Hanover has discovered"") as well as ""Eine Schrift. In welcher klar gezeiget wird/ dass nicht Herr Neuton,sondern der Herr von Leibnitz Erfinder des CALCULI DIFFERENTIALIS sey."" (A Treatise. In which it is clearly shown/ that Mr. Leibniz and not Mr. Newton is the inventor of the CALCULI DIFFERENTIALIS"").All early editions of the Theodicee are rare. See D.S.B.: VIII, pp. 161-166.‎

‎Specimen Novum Analyseos pro Scientia Infiniti, circa Summas & Quadraturas. [In: Acta eruditorum anno MDCCII publicata]. - [THE INTEGRATION OF RATIONAL FUNCTIONS]‎

‎Lipsiae [Leipzig], Gross, Frisch and Groschuf, 1702. 4to. Entire volume present. Bound in a nice contemporary full vellum with handwritten year and an old library-label to spine. A bit of soiling. Internally evenly brownspotted throughout, occasionally with heavier brownspotting (not the Leibnitz-article). Discreet stamp ti title-page and to first leaf of text. Pp. 210-219 + one folded plate (""Regulae universales pro fractionibus numeratoris indeterminati...""). [Entire volume: (2), 566 pp. + 9 folded engraved plates.‎

‎First edition of Leibnitz' important work on the integration of rational fractions, the ""New specimen of the Analysis for the Science of the infinite about Sums and Quadratures"", in which Leibnitz investigates the factorization of real polynomials and thus comes close to the ""fundamental theorem of algebra"" (the theorem that states that every non-constant single-variable polynomial with complex coefficients has at least one complex root, and that field of complex numbers is algebraically closed), which was not attempted proven until 1746 (by d'Alembert, whose proof was incomplete), and which was not actually proven before the 19th century (by Argand, and more fully by Gauss).The present work constitutes the first printing of Leibniz' new examples of calculating with infinite numbers, a most fundamental work for the further development within algebraic equations and integral formulae.Apart from Leibnitz' ""Scientia infiniti"", the present volume also includes an essay by Halley on Hooke's barometer (pp. 180-83, one engr. Plate depicting a barometer).‎

‎Oeuvres philosophiques latines & francoises de feu. Tirées de ses manuscrits qui se conservent dans la bibliotheque royale a Hanovre et publiées par Mr. Rud. Eric Raspe. Avec une Préface de Mr. Kaestner. [Nouveau essais sur l'entendement humain, -New ... - [FIRST PRINTING OF ""NEW ESSAYS ON HUMAN UNDERSTANDING""]‎

‎Amsterdam et Leipzig, Chez Jean Schreuder, 1765. 4to. Uncut in the original marbled boards. Professionally rebacked preserving almost all of the original back. The fragile orginal binding is here preserved in its entirety, and it has quite a bit of overall wear. Apart from a small hole to two leaves in the index, affecting ab. one work on each of the four pages, it is internally nice and clean. Title-page printed in red and black. Beautiful eng. title-vignette and a few other woodcut vignettes and initials. (4), XVI, (2), 540, (18) pp.‎

5 Images

‎First edition thus, being the first collected edition of Leibnitz' philosophical works in French and Latin, and containing the FIRST PRINTING of one of Leibnitz' most important philosophical works, his ""Nouveaux essays sur l'entendement humain"" (New Essays on Human Understanding), in which he attacks and refutes Locke and his ""Essay on Human Understanding"" and gives important testimony to his own philosophical ideas. With its 496 pages, this extensive work takes up most of this collection of philosophical works, and it also constitutes one of his largest and most important of his philosophical works. As explained by Raspe, the editor, in his preface to this publication, ""LES NOUVEAUX ESSAIS SUR L'ENTENDEMENT HUMAIN, qui sont la partie principale de recueil, sont connûs trés imparfaitement par l'histoire de la Philosophie de Leibnitz, que Mr. Ludovici a publiée"" (p. X), and the reason why the work was known, even though it had not been published, is because of a letter that Leibnitz had written in 1714, in which he explains why he did not wish to publish the work. Raspe quotes the letter (p. X), from which it becomes clear that Leibnitz had not wished to publish an attack on Locke and his work, because Locke had died in 1704 (the same year that Leibnitz had actually written the work), and because Leibnitz was against publishing refutations of dead authors: ""Mais je me suis degouté de publier des refutations des Auteurs morts, quoiqu'elles dissent paroitre Durant leur vie & étre communiqués à eux memes"". Raspe points to the nobleness of this decision, but he also points to what could be other reasons for Leibnitz not wishing to publish his seminal work, one of them being that towards the end of his life (he died in 1716), he did not wish to enter into any more controversies with the British, since he was already engaged in two very important ones that occuopied much of his time and energy: The first concerned the invention of the differential calculus, the second was against Mr. Clarke on liberty and important metaphysical and theological questions. Another reason could also be that he did not want to begin controversies with the friends of Locke, who at that time were many and important.Locke's ""An Essay Concerning Human Understanding"", which is the work here being refuted by Leibnitz, became the crucial groundwork for the future empiricists with David Hume in the foreground, and thus Leibnitz' work, though published posthumously, probably came to play a bigger role in the history of philosophy than it would have done had it been published just after he wrote it. Few philosophers of his time were susceptible to Leibnitz' ideas and his application of logic to the problems of metaphysics, as most of them were far more receptive to Locke's empiricism. However, when Leibnitz' ""Nouveaux essays..."" was finally published here in his ""Oeuvres philosophiques"" in 1765, it became hugely influential and was also an important factor in the development of Kant's transcendental philosophy.The hugely famous work by Locke, in which he stated his famous theory that the mind of the newborn is like a blank slate (tabula rasa) and concluded that all ideas come from experience and that there are no such things as innate principles, was generally sharply criticized by the rationalists, the most important of them being Leibnitz. Leibnitz' response, his ""Les nouveaux essays sur l'entendement humain"" constitutes the most important of the rationalist responses and it is written in the form of a chapter-by-chapter refutation. He refutes the major premise of Locke's work, that the senses are the source of all understanding, primarily by adding to this ""except the understanding itself"", thus going on to distinguish between his three levels of understanding, which are part of the centre of his philosophy.For Leibnitz as well as for Locke the great inspiration was Descartes, but they chose two fundamentally different directions, Locke the materialistic one and Leibnitz the idealistic one. The present work represents the greatest clash between the two giants of late 17th century philosophy. The effect of Leibnitz' work was enormous, and among the Germans he invoked a great passion for philosophical studies. Leibnitz represents a striking contrast to both Locke with his empiricism and Spinoza. One earlier collection of some of Leibnitz' works had been printed before this one, but it did not contain his ""New Essays on Human Understanding"", and only consisted of his ""Smaller Philosophical Works"". This is the German 1740-edition ""Kleinere philosohische Schriften"". The other writings contained in this publication are ""Examen du sentiment du P. Malebranche que nous voyons tout en Dieu"", """"Dialogus de connexione inter res & verba"", ""Difficultates quaedam Logicae"", ""Discours touchant la methode de la certitude & de l'art d'inventer"", ""Historia et commendatio charactericae universalis quae simul sit ars inveniendi"".Graesse IV:152. ‎

‎Tentamina Theodicaeae De Bonitate Dei Libertate Hominis Et Origine Mali / Latinè versa & Notationibus illustrata à M. D. L. (Barth. Des Bosses). Ab ipso Auctore emendata & auctiora. Tomus Primus (3 Parts, all). (Theodicy: Essays on the Goodness of God...‎

‎Franckfurt, Bencard, 1719. 8vo. Contemp. full vellum. A few small brownspots to covers. Large engraved titlevignette. (48),(40),408,(12) pp. 1 folded table (between p.48/49). Clean and fine.‎

‎Extremely scarce first Latin edition of Leibniz's hugely influential work ""Essais de Theodicée sur la Bonté de Dieu, la Liberté de L'Homme, et L'Origine du Mal"" (1710). It is his importent treatise on the goodnes of God, the free will of man and the causes of evil in the world, The principal subject of the work being the problem of liberty and free will. It is the only larger philosophical work published by Leibnitz himself.The ""Théodicée"" was a response to skeptical Pierre Bayle, who wrote in his work Dictionnaire Historique et Critique that, after rejecting three attempts to solve it, he saw no rational solution to the problem of evil.The work was composed at the instigation of Sophia Charlotte, with whom Leibniz had conversed concerning the views of Bayle. In response to a request from Prince Eugene for an abstract of the Théodicée, Leibniz in 1714 wrote the ""Principes de la nature et de la grâce fondées en raison and the Monadologie"".It is often the case, that this Latin edition is followed by the small work ""Causa Dei Asserta per Justitiam Ejus..."" (32) pp. This work is not withbound here.Ravier ""Bibliographie des Oeuvres de Leibniz"", No 344. - PMM (1710-edition).‎

‎De la Tolerance des Religions. Lettres de M. de Leibniz et Responses de M. Pellisson au Quatrieme Partie des Reflexions sur les Differends de la religion. 2 Parts. (2. Part: Additions). - [TOLERANCE OF RELIGIONS]‎

‎Paris, Jean Anisson, 1692. Small8vo. Cont. full mottled calf. Very skillfull rebacked in old style. Gilt titlelabel in leather on back. All edges gilt. (8),147,(2),185 pp. First and last leaves slightly browned in margins, otherwise fine, printed on good paper.‎

‎The scarce first edition of Leibnitz' important work on the tolerance of religions. Leibnitz was interested in the question of religious controversy all of his life, and already at a young age, he studied Laurentius Valla and Luther. According to Leibnitz, one of the resons for religious controversy and dispute lies in the lack of adequate method for discussing and debating such questions. He reflexts thoroughly on the nature of religious controversy. What he means with tolerance of relions is precicely the possibily of discussing religious matters freely on the basis of normative rules that tells us how to conduct the debate.‎

‎De Lineis Opticis, et alia" Excerpta ex literis ad--- (+) Schediasma de Resistentia Medii, & Motu projectorum gravium in medio resistente. (+) Tentamen de Motuum Coelestium causis. (+) De Linea Isochrona, in qua grave sine acceleratione descendit, & d... - [THE WAR OF THE GIANTS NEWTON AND LEIBNIZ ON THE WORLD SYSTEM]‎

‎Leipzig, Grosse & Gleditsch, 1689. 4to. Contemporary full vellum. Faint hand-written title to spine. A small stamp on title-page. In: ""Acta Eruditorum Anno MDCLXXXIX"". (8), 653, (7) pp. and 15 engraved plates. As usual with various browning to leaves and plates. The entire volume offered. Leibniz's papers: pp. 36-38 a. 1 engraved plate" pp. 38-46 pp. 82-89 a. 1 engraved plate" pp. 195-198.‎

‎First printing of these extremely important papers, in which Leibniz claimed that he independently of Newton had discovered the principal propositions of his ""Principia"" and which present us with Leibniz's fundamental physico-mathematical theory, his dynamics, his concepts of force, space and time. The ""Tentamen..."" constitutes Leibniz's response to Newton's theories about the motion of the celestial bodies. Leibniz can be said to have anticipated the modern mathematical principle of relativity, as it is his idea of individual co-ordinate systems and his practical rejection of the Galilean co-ordinate system that Newton adopted. Leibniz opposes Newton's ideas of attractions (gravitational forces) and calls them ""occult qualities"". The task of the ""Tentamen..."" was to attain a theory mathematically equivalent to Newton's in accounting for planetary motion and especially for the inverse-square law of Kepler's laws, but physically sound and capable of explaining the causes of phenomena.Newton attacked Leibniz's claim of priority in his anonymously published paper ""Commercium epistolicum"" (Phil. Transactions 1714), and states that ""in those tracts the principal propositions of that book are composed in a new manner, and claimed by Mr. Leibniz as if he had found them himself before the publishing of the said book. But Mr. Leibniz cannot be a witness in his own cause. It lies upon him either to prove that he had found them before mr. Newton, or to quit his claim."" The features of Leibniz's mathematical representation of motion as put forward in ""Tentamen..."" are, (see D.B. Meli: Equivalence and Priority. Newton versus Leibniz. pp. 90-91):- Empty space does not exist. The world is filled with a variety of fluids which are responsible for physical actions, including gravity.- Living force and its conservation are the fundamental notion and principle respectively, in the investigation of nature, however, they do not figure prominently in the study of planetary motion.- Finite and infinitesimal variables are regularly employed in the study of motion and of other physical phenomena. Living force and velocity are finite" solicitation and conatus are infinitesimal.- Accelerated motion, whether rectilinear or curvilinear, is represented as a series of infinitesimal uniform rectilinear motions interrupted by impulses. I call this 'polygonal representation'. Usually the polygon is chosen in such a way that each side is traversed in an equal element of time dt. In polygonal representations accelerations are reduced to a macroscopic phenomenon.- Propositions are often used to safeguard dimensional homogeneity. Constant factors - such as numerical factors, mass, and the element of time - are usually ignored in the calculations.Denys Papin's papers:1. Descriptio Torcularis, cujus in Actis Anni 1688 pag. 646 mentio facta a suit... and 1 plate. Pp. 96-101.2. De Gravitatis Causa et proprietatibus Observationes. Pp. 183-188.3. Examen Machinæ Dn. Perrault. Pp. 189-195 a. 1 plate.4. Rotatilis Suctor et Pressor Hasciacus, in Serenissima Aula Cassellana demonstratus & detectus. Pp. 317-322 a. 1 plate.5. In J.B. Appendicem Illam Ad Perpetuum Mobile, Actis Novemb.A. 1688 p. 592...Pp. 322-324 a. 1 plate.6. Excerpta et Litteris Dn. Dion Papini ad --- de Instrumentis ad flammam sub aqua conservandam. Pp. 485-489 a. 1 plate.With the paper describing and depicting Papin's famous invention of the CENTRIFUGAL PUMP. ( Rotatilis Suctor et Pressor Hasciacus, in Serenissima Aula Cassellana demonstratus & detectus. - The paper offered (no.4).Jakob Bernoulli's papers:1. De Invenienda Cujusque Plani Declinatione, ex unica observatione projectæ a flylo umbræ. Pp. 311-316 a. 1 plate.2. Vera Constructio geometrica Problematum Solidorum & Hypersolidorum, per rectas lineas & circulos. Pp. 586-588 a. 1 plate.3. Novum Theorema Pro Doctrina Sectionum Conicarum. Pp. 586-588 a. 1 engraved plate.‎

‎1. De Linea in quam Flexile se pondere proprio curvat, ejeuque usu insignia adinveniendi quotcunque medias proportionales & Logarithmos. - 2. De Solutionibus Problematis Catenarii vel Funicularis in Actis A. 1691, aliisque a Dn. I.B. propositis. (1-2:...‎

‎Leipzig, Grosse & Gleditsch, 1691. 4to. Contemp. full vellum. Faint handwritten title on spine. a small stamp on titlepage. In: ""Acta Eruditorum Anno MDCLXXXXI"". (8),590,(6) pp. and 13 (of 15) folded engraved plates. The 2 first plates lacks, but they do not belong to the papers listed.Leibniz' papers: pp.277-281 a. 1 plate, pp. 435-439. Johann Bernoulli: pp. 274-276 a. 1 plate. Huygens: pp. 281-282. - Jacob Bernoulli: pp. 282-290 a. 1 plate.‎

7 Images

‎All papers first apperance. All 5 of extreme importence in the development of the Calculus. Leibniz' 2 papers on the catenary curve (paper 1-2 offered here) was written at the instigation of Jacques Bernoulli. Following the example of Blaise Pascal, who had initiated, in 1658, a contest for the construction of the cycloid, Leibniz also provoked the geometers of his time, by challenging them to submit, at the fixed date of mid-1691, their geometric method for the construction of the catenary curve. Leibniz later provided the answer, followed by Johann Bernoulli and Huygens.'These two papers are a historical account of the origin of the study of this transcendental curve, and, at the same time, the first physical-geometric construction showing the species-relationship between the catenary and the logarithmic curves, as two companion curves" one arithmetic, the other geometric. All of the differentials of the catenary curve, are arithmetic means of corresponding differentials of the logarithmic curve" and, all of the differentials of the logarithmic curve, are geometric means of the catenary.'""The Catenary is the form of a hanging fully flexible rope or chain (the name comes from ""catena"", which means 'chain'), suspended on two points. The interest in this curve originated with Galileo, who thought that is was a parabola. Young Christiaan Huygens proved in 1646 that this cannot be the case. What the actual form was remained an open question till 1691, when Leibniz, Johann Bernoulli and the then much older Huygens sent solutions to the problem to the ""Acta"" (Jakob Bernoulli, 1690, Johann Bernoulli 1691, Huygens 1691 and Leibniz 1691), - these 4 1691-papers offered here - in which the previous year Jakob Bernoulli had challenged mathematicians to solve it. As published, the solutions did not reveal the methods, but through later publications of manuscripts these methods have been known. Huygens applied with great ( paper 4) virtuosity the by then classical methods of 17th century infinitesimal mathematics, and he needed all his ingenuity to reach a satisfactory solution. Leibniz ( the papers 1-2) and Bernoulli (paper 3), applying the new Calculus, found the solutions in a much direct way. In fact, the catenary was a test-case between the old and the new style in the study of curves, and only because the champion of the old style was a giant like Huygens, the test-case can formally be considered as ending in a draw."" (Grattan-Guiness in ""From the Calculus to Set Theory, 1630-1910."").The paper by JACOB BERNOULLI ( no. 5 offered here) is a milestone papers as it marks the invention of the ""SYSTEM OF POLAR COORDINATES"" with points located by reference to a fixed point and a line through that point. Although newton had earlier also devised such a coordinate system (in 1671), his work was not known, so that the credit for the discovery generally goes to Bernoulli. (Parkinson, Breakthroughs (1691).Further papers contained in this volume of Acta Eruditorum:DENYS PAPIN: Mecanicorum de Viribus Motricibus sententia, asserta a D. Papino adversius C.G.G. L. (Leibniz) objectiones. pp. 6-13. The plate lacks. - and Dion. Papini Observationes quaedam circa materias ad Hydraulicam spectantes. Pp. 208-213 a. 1 plate. This importent paper is part of the LEIBNIZ-PAPIN-CONTROVERSY.JACOB BERNOULLI: Specimen Calculi Differentialis in dimensione Parabolæ helicoidis, ubi de flexuris curvarum in genere, carundem evolutionibus. Pp. 13-22. The plate lacks. - and J.B. Demonstratio Centri Oscillationis ex Natura Vectis, reperta occassione eorum, quæ super hac materia in Historia Literaria Roterodamensi recensentur, articulo...Pp.317-321.LEIBNIZ: O.V.E. Additio ad Schediasma de Medii Resistentia publicatum in Actis mensis Febr. 1889. Pp. 177-178. and O.V.E. Quadratura Arithmetica Communis Sectionum Conicarum quæ centrum babent,...Pp. 178-182 a. 1 plate.TSCHIRNHAUS: Singularia Effecta Vitri Caustici bipedalis, quod omnia magno sumtu hactenus constructa specula ustoria virtute superat, per D.T. Pp. 517-520‎

‎1. Nova Calculi Differentialis. Applicatio & usus, ad multiplicem linearum constructionem, ex data tangentium conditione. 2. Constructio Propria Problematiis de Curva Isochrona Paracentrica....& de constructione linearum transcendentium, una maxima ge...‎

‎Leipzig, Grosse & Gleditsch, 1694. 4to. Contemp. full vellum. Faint handwritten title on spine. a small stamp on titlepage. In: ""Acta Eruditorum Anno MDCXCIV"". (2),518 pp.. and 11 folded engraved plates. As usual with various browning to leaves and plates. The entire volume offered. Leibniz's papers: pp. 311-316, pp. 364-375. - Johann Bernoulli's papers: pp. 200-206, pp. 394-99, pp. 435-437, pp. 437-441. - Huygen's papers: pp. 338, pp. 339-41. - Jakob Bernoulli's papers: pp. 262-276, pp. 276-280, pp. 336-338, pp. 391-400. Some mispaginations.‎

‎All papers first appearance, dealing with, and clarifying the problems and the new applications of Leibniz' inventions of the differential- and integral calculus.In the papers Leibniz shows how to reduce linear first order ordinary differential equations to quadratures. I the other paper he gives a general method of finding the envelope of a family of curves, which helped to spread the theory of plane curves.In the groundbreaking paper offered here, Jakob Bernoulli introduces THE LEMNISCATE, a symmetric self-intersecting curve resembling a figure eight and defined by the condition that the product of the distance of anay point on the curve from two fixed points is (d/2)2, where d is the distance between the fixed points.""Jacob Bernoulli was fascinated by curves and the calculus, and one curve bears his name - the ""lemniscate of Bernoulli"", given by the polar equation r2=a cos 2""0"". The curve was described in the Acta Eruditorum of 1694 as resembling a figure eight or a knotted ribbon (lemniscus). However the curve that most caught his fancy was the logarithmic spiral....he swowed that it had several strioking properties not noted before...it is easy to appreciate the feeling that led Bernoulli to request that the ""spira mirabils"" be engraved on his tombstone together with the inscription ""Eadem mutata resurgo"" (Though changed, I arise again the same)."" (Boyer in his History of Mathematics).‎

‎Leibnitzens System der Theologie. Nach dem Manuskripte von Hannover (den lateinischen Text zur seite) ins deutsche übersetzt von Andreas Räss un Nikolaus Weis, mit einer Vorrede von Lorenz Doller. Zweite Auflage.‎

‎Mainz, Simon Müller'schen Buchh., 1820. Contemp. full mottled calf. Titlelabel with gilt lettering. VI,CXXVI,346,(2) pp. A faint dampstain to lower right corners of thelast ca. 40 lvs. Clean and printed on good paper. German-Latin paralelltext.‎

‎La Monadologie - Nouvelle édition avec une notice sur Leibniz, des éclaircissements sur les principales théories de la monadologie, une analyse, et des notes historiques et philosophiques par D. Nolen‎

‎Paris, Germer Baillière 1881 245pp., dans la série "Bibliothèque classique d'ouvrages philosophiques", rélie en couv.cart., cachet, qqs.rousseurs, petite pièce détachée des pp.53-56 (sans perte de texte), sinon en bon état, F38379‎

‎Accessiones Historicae quibus potissimum continentur Scriptores Rerum Garmanicarum, & aliorum, hactenus inediti sequentes. Tom. I-II. Tom. I: 1. Chronographus Saxo. 2. Joh. Vito Durani Chronicon. 3. Gesta Trevirorum. 4. Vetus Chronicon Holsatiæ. (Tom....‎

‎Hannover, Nicolai Förster, 1700 - Leipzig, Nicolai Förster, 1698. 4to. Contemp. full calf. Raised bands, richly gilt spine. (16),315,40,124,119 pp. Tome 2: (12),292,592 pp. First titlepage and Praefatio (16) leaves a bit browned, otherwise clean with only a few scattered brownspots. Some neath marginal notes in 2 contemporary hands.‎

‎Second edition of volume one, and first edition of volume two. In the 15 century chronicle ""Vetus Chronicon Holsatiae"", first printed here by Leibnitz, states, that the Danes were of the Tribe of Dan, while the Jutes the Jews. This is the first announcement of the theory later called Nordic Israelism or Norse Israelism. ""It is the belief that Scandinavian peoples, or the Nordic countries (Denmark, Faroe Islands, Finland, Iceland, Norway, Sweden) descend from the Ten Lost Tribes of Israel. Although there is evidence of such a belief from literature during the Early Modern Period, Nordic Israelism as a movement and ideology only emerged in the latter half of the 19th century among several early proponents of British Israelism.""(Wikipedia).Ravier: 49 (tome I), 44 (Tome II, but Ravier is not clear on this point) ‎