274 books for « darwin charles »Edit

‎Charles Darwin : Récits de voyage‎

‎Milan Album cartonné 2009 In-4 (26,3 x 30,7 cm), cartonné, non paginé, illustrations en couleurs ; très bon état général. Livraison a domicile (La Poste) ou en Mondial Relay sur simple demande.‎

‎Voyage d'un naturaliste autour du monde ( des iles du cap-vert à la patagonie )‎

‎Ed la farandole 1959 in8. 1959. cartonnage editeur. 281 pages. qq illustrations en noir et couleurs Bon Etat intérieur propre‎

‎Voyages d'un naturaliste : De la Terre de Feu aux Galapagos (La Découverte)‎

‎FM/La découverte 1979 poche. 1979. Broché. 222 pages. Bon Etat intérieur propre pointes légèrement cornées‎

‎A fajok eredete a természeti kiválás útján vagyis az elonyös válfajok fenmaradása a létérti küzdelemben. [Hungarian - i.e. On the Origin of Species... Translated by Dapsy László and revised by Margó Tivadar]. 2 vols. - [THE FIRST HUNGARIAN ""ORIGIN OF SPECIES""]‎

‎Budapest, Kiadja a Természettudományi Társulat [Academy of Sciences], 1873 & 1874. 8vo. In two contemporary embossed full cloth bindings with gilt letter- and numbering to spine. Bindings with light wear, primarily affecting hindges. Previous owner's stamp to half title and title page in both volumes. Light occassional brownspotting, primarily affecting first and last leaves. An overall nice copy. XVI, (2), 303, (1)"" VII, (1), 361, (1) pp. + 1 leaf of Advertisement + 2 plates (A frontiespiece of Darwin and one listing the evolution of the different generations).‎

9 Images

‎The exceedingly rare first Hungarian translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"". Together with the Serbian and the Spanish, the first Hungarian translation of the ""Origin"" is arguably the scarcest of all the translations of the work and very few copies of it are known. The Hungarian public was introduced to Darwinism early on when Ferenc Jánosi reviewed The Origin of Species in the Budapesti Szemle (Budapest Review) half a year after it first appeared in English. Darwin's principal works were first published in Hungarian translation by the Royal Hungarian Natural Science Society (Királyi Magyar Természettudományi Társulat). Translator Dapsy László had been actively working to make Darwin and his idea known in Hungary. Through his articles, he consistently presented Darwinism as a possible model for the type of progressive society that Hungary should attempt to achieve, thus being one of the very earliest to apply Darwin's theories to human society and politics in general. ""Dapsy's translation, inspired by liberal ideals of progress, increasingly became part of the conservative discourse of Hungarian politics, reinterpreted and appropriated according to the nationalist agendas merging in Hungarian Society"". (Mund, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Nineteenth-Century Hungarian Society).Prior to his translation in 1872, Dapsy wrote Darwin: ""I am sorry to say that as yet, here such tendencies are received with a good deal of aversion, but I believe that by-and-by they will accept it, and it would be a great advancement for our political life too"". (Dapsy to Darwin, 12 June 1872). Darwin's response is not known. ""It is characteristic of the enlightened spirit of the country in this period that Darwin received academic recognition earlier in Hungary than in England. Although Cambridge did not honor Darwin until 1879, he was elected an honorary member of The Hungarian Academy of Sciences in 1872, the same year on this occasion the renowned Hungarian zoologist Tivadar Margó visited him at Down.Historical circumstances played a major role in this quick appearance of Darwinism and its popularity in Hungary. The failure of the 1848-49 revolution and war of independence seemingly put an end to progressive political discourse, signaling an ideological crisis among the intelligentsia. In this context, the natural sciences with their 'eternal truths' promised a way out, inasmuch as science's promised objectivity might well serve as a politically neutral expression of progressive values"" (Mund, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Nineteenth-Century Hungarian Society).The present book was one of four scientific works published between 1872 and 1874 by the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, the others being Bernhard von Cotta's Geologie der Gegenwart (1865), Huxley's Lectures on the Elements of Comparative Anatomy (1864), and Tyndall's Heat Considered as a Mode of Motion (1863). An advertisement for these books occurs on the final leaf of vol. II.During Darwin's lifetime, 'Origin' was published in eleven different languages, some of them in more than one edition: The first foreign translation was the German (1860), followed by a Dutch (1860), French (1862), French (1862), Italian (1864), Russian (1864), Swedish (1869), Danish (1872), Hungarian (1873), Spanish (1877) and Serbian (1878), the last three by far being the rarest. OCLC locates only three complete copies: Paris Mazarin Library, University Library of Szeged and The Huntington Library, CA. Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin only hold volume 1. Freeman 703.‎

‎Charles Darwin, Puteshestvie vokrug sveta na korable Bigl, 1865. / Charles Darwi‎

‎"In Russian. Short description: Charles Darwin, Puteshestvie vokrug sveta na korable Bigl. [The voyage round the world of the Beagle]. In 2 volumes. Translation ed. A. Beketova. - St. Petersburg: Prince A.S. Golitsyn; A. Golovachev printing house, 1865. Short description: The first Russian lifetime edition of the famous journey of Charles Darwin (1809-1882), the founder of the species origin evolutionary theory. Frontispiece with a portrait of Charles Darwin, engraved by A. Daugel. Rare full set in 2 volumes. Charles Darwin in 1831-1836 traveled around the world on the Beagle. The book gives a vivid description of the peoples the researcher met. He describes the nature, flora and fauna of various regions of the globe in an unusually fascinating way. The materials of this journey helped Darwin in his formation as a scientist and served as the basis for the creation of the species variability doctrine. Along with the famous scientific expeditions of the 19th century, this voyage under the command of Captain Robert Fitzroy occupies one of the prominent places. Rare full set in 2 volumes. Please feel free to contact us for a detailed description of the copies available. SKUMS001901"‎

‎Jinsoron (i.e. Japanese ""On the Ancestor(s) of Man"", Translated by Kozu Senzaburo, original title: ""Descent of Man""). 3 vols. - [FIRST TRANSLATION OF DARWIN INTO JAPANESE]‎

‎Tokyo, Ichibe Yamanaka., Meiji 14. (1881). 8vo. 3 volumes, all in the contemporary (original?) yellow wrappers (Traditional Fukuro Toji binding/wrappers). Extremities with wear and with light soiling, promarily affecting vol. 1. Title in brush and ink to text-block foot. A few ex-ownership stamps. Folding plate with repair. A fine set. 46 ff" 70 ff. + 9 plates of which 1 is folded" 72 ff. ""Vol. I contains prefaces to 1st and 2d editions of Descent of man Nos 936 & 944"" vol. II contains chapter 1 and vol. III chapter 2. All published, intended to form 9 vols containing chapters 1-7 and 21."" (Darwin-Online).‎

‎The exceedingly rare first translation of Darwin's Descent of Man and the first (partial) translation of Origin of Species, constituting the very first translation of any of Darwin's work into Japanese and, arguably, being the most influential - albeit in a different way than could be expected - of all Darwin-translations. ""The first translation of a book by Darwin was published in 1881: a translation of The Descent of Man, titled as Jinsoron (On the Ancestor(s) of Man"" Darwin 1881). The translator was a scholar of education, Kozu Senzaburo (...). In spite of its title, the book was actually a hybrid, which included a mixture of chapters of the Descent (namely, chapters 1-7 and 21) together with other texts: the Historical Sketch that Darwin appended to the third edition of the Origin (1861), and some sections taken from Thomas Huxley's Evidence as to Man's Place in Nature (Kaneko 2000). So this book can also be described as the first publication including a partial translation of a text from the Origin"" (Taizo, Translating ""natural selection"" in Japanese: from ""shizen tota"" to ""shizen sentaku"", and back?)Darwin's theories had a profound influence on Japan and Japanese culture but in a slightly different way than in the West: Darwinism was marked as social and political principles primarily embraced by social thinkers, philosophers and politicians to advocate the superiority of Japanese culture and society (and military) and not by biologist and zoologist. ""It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).The popularity of Darwin's works and theories became immensly popular in Japan: ""Curiously, there are more versions of ""The Origin"" in Japanese than in any other language. The earliest were literary, with subsequent translations becoming more scientific as the Japanese developed a technical language for biology."" (Glick, The Comparatice Reception of Darwinism, P. XXII)Darwin's work had in Japan - as in the rest of the world - profound influence on the academic disciplines of zoology and biology, however, in Japan the most immediate influence was not on these subjects but on social thinkers: ""[...] it exerted great influence on Japanese social thinkers and social activists. After learning of Darwin's theory, Hiroyuki Kato, the first president of Tokyo Imperial University, published his New Theory of Human Rights and advocated social evolution theory (social Darwinism), emphasizing the inevitable struggle for existence in human society. He criticized the burgeoning Freedom and People's right movement. Conversely Siusui Kautoku, a socialist and Japanese translator of the Communist Manifesto, wrote articles on Darwinism, such as ""Darwin and Marx"" (1904). In this and other articles, he criticized kato's theory on Social Darwinism, insisting that Darwinism does not contradict socialism. The well known anarchist, Sakae Osugi published the third translation of On the Origin of Species in 1914, and later his translation of peter Kropotokin's Mutial Aid: A Factor of Evolution. Osugi spread the idea of mutual aid as the philosophical base of Anarcho-syndicalism."" (Tsuyoshi, The Japanese Lysenkoism and its Historical Backgrounds, p. 9) ""Charles Darwin's theory of evolution was introduced to Japan in 1877 (Morse 1936/1877) during Japan's push to gain military modernity through study of western sciences and technologies and the culture from which they had arisen. In the ensuing decades the theory of evolution was applied as a kind of social scientific tool, i.e. social Spencerism (or social Darwinism) (Sakura 1998:341"" Unoura 1999). Sakura (1998) suggests that the theory of evolution did not have much biological application in Japan. Instead, Japanese applied the idea of 'the survival of the fittest' (which was a misreading of Darwin's natural selection theory) to society and to individuals in the struggle for existence in Japan's new international circumstances (see also Gluck 1985: 13, 265).However, at least by the second decade of the 1900s, and by the time that Imanishi Kinji entered the Kyoto Imperial University, the curricula in the natural and earth sciences were largely based on German language sources and later on English language texts. These exposed students to something very different from a social Darwinist approach in these sciences. New sources that allow us to follow"" (ASQUITH, Sources for Imanishi Kinji's views of sociality and evolutionary outcomes, p. 1).""After 1895, the year of China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War, Spencer's slogan ""the survival of the fittest"" entered Chinese and Japanese writings as ""the superior win, the inferior lose."" Concerned with evolutionary theory in terms of the survival of China, rather than the origin of species, Chinese intellectuals saw the issue as a complex problem involving the evolution of institutions, ideas, and attitudes. Indeed, they concluded that the secret source of Western power and the rise of Japan was their mutual belief in modern science and the theory of evolutionary progress. According to Japanese scholars, traditional Japanese culture was not congenial to Weastern science because the Japanese view of the relationship between the human world and the divine world was totally different from that of Western philosophers. Japanese philosophers envisioned a harmonious relationship between heaven and earth, rather than conflict. Traditionally, nature was something to be seen through the eyes of a poet, rather than as the passive object of scientific investigations. The traditional Japanese vision of harmony in nature might have been uncongenial to a theory based on natural selection, but Darwinism was eagerly adopted by Japanese thinkers, who saw it as a scientific retionalization for Japan's intense efforts to become a modernized military and industial power. Whereas European and American scientists and theologians became embroiled in disputes about the evolutionary relationship between humans and other animals, Japanese debates about the meaning of Darwinism primarily dealt with the national and international implications of natural selection and the struggle for survival. Late nineteenth-century Japanese commentators were likely to refer to Darwinism as an ""eternal and unchangeable natural law"" that justified militaristic nationalism directed by supposedly superior elites"". (Magner, A History of the Life Sciences, Revised and Expanded, p. 349)""Between 1877 and 1888, only four works on the subject of biological evolution were published in Japan. During these same eleven years, by contrast, at least twenty Japanese translations of Herbert Spencer's loosely ""Darwinian"" social theories made their appearance. The social sciences dominated the subject, and when Darwin's original The Origin of Species (Seibutsu shigen) finally appeared in translation in 1896, it was published by a press specializing in economics. It is not surprising then that by the early 20th century, when Darwin's work began to make an impact as a biological rather than a ""social"" theory, the terms ""evolution"" (shinka), ""the struggle for existence"" (seizon kyôsô), and ""survival of the fittest"" (tekisha seizon) had been indelibly marked as social and political principles. It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Freeman 1099c‎

‎Priruchennyie zhivotnyie i vozdelannyie rasteniya [i.e. Russian ""The Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication"". Translated from English with the consent and assistance of the author by V. Kovalevsky. Edited by I. M. Sechenov, botanical sect... - [THE VERY FIRST PUBLICATION OF DARWIN'S 'VARIATION UNDER DOMESTICATION' IN ANY LANGUAGE. ]‎

‎St. Petersburg, 1868 [but in fact 1867-1869]. 8vo. In contemporary half calf with renewed spine. Inner hindges with repairs and boards with soiling and a few marks and holes to volume 1. Light foxing throughout, primarily affecting margins and plates. Overall a good copy. IV, 443, (1): ill"" V.2: 462, (I)-VI pp.‎

8 Images

‎The very first publication of Darwin's 'Variation under Domestication' in any language. The title-page states 1868 but they two volumes were in fact published, respectively in November 1867 and 1869.""In August, 1867, Darwin wrote to Lyell that he was visited by a young Russian ""who is translating my new book into Russian."". The book was the 'Variation of Animals and Plants under Domestication', and the youngRussian was Vladimir Kovalevsky, who subsequently became a well-known evolutionary palaeontologist. At that time the 'Variation' was not yet published, and it seems most probably that the translation was made from a set of proofs given to Kovalevsky by Darwin. Thanks to Kovalevsky's rapid work, the first section of the Russian translation of the Variation was published several months prior to the publication of the English original."" (Glick, The Comparative Reception of Darwinism, p. 235)""The first Russian edition, which is dated 1868 on the volume title page, is of particular interest. It is the only work, in his lifetime, of which any part appeared in foreign translation before it appeared in English. Correspondence at Cambridge shows that the translator was sent copies of corrected proofs as they were ready. It was published in seven parts of which four, perhaps to the end of Chapter XV, appeared in 1867"" the next two appeared in 1868, and the last not until 1869, because he had been away in Russian Asia. The title is given in full, in English translation, under No. 925 and has been discussed above"" (Freeman).Vladimir Kovalevsky (1842-1883), the translator of this book, was a Russian biologist and the founder of evolutionary palaeontology. His own scientific works were printed between 1873 and 1877, and according to Henry Osborn (Osborn, H. The rise of Mammalia in North America // Proc. Amer. Assoc. Sci. 1894. vol. 42, pp. 189-227) they ''dare away'' all traditional and dry European paleontology. That was mainly because Kovalevsky was a devoted Darwinist and adapted Darwin's ideas to palaeontology. Luis Dollo, the Belgian palaeontologist, a contemporary of Kovalevsky's, described him thus: ''No palaeontologist embodies so perfectly our epoch, as the brilliant and miserable Vladimir Kovalevsky, friend and guest of the immortal Charles Darwin''. Indeed, Kovalevsky was a friend of Darwin's and they corresponded extensively. When visiting Darwin in 1877, the Russian botanist, Timiryazev, asked Darwin about his views on Russian science and Darwin surprised him with an answer that Vladimir Kovalevsky (little known at the time) was the bright hope of palaeontology.Kovalevsky was very eager to translate Darwin into Russian as soon as possible so he asked Darwin to send him the proofs of his book chapter by chapter as soon as Darwin finished them. Kovalevsky translated with great speed (the complete book contains 900 pages) and he began to print the chapters from July 1867 (the first English edition appeared on 30th January 1868). The chapters were printed one after another as the translation went on. It is unclear whether any part of it appeared before the English edition.Vladimir Kovalevsky translated another of Darwin's books, The Expression of the Emotions in Man and Animals [O vyrazhenii emotsyi u cheloveka I zhyvotnikh] that appeared the same year as the English edition (1872).Kovalevsky committed suicide at the age of forty after the breakdown of his marriage to the celebrated mathematician, Sophia Kovalevskaya who became the first female professor of mathematics in the world.OCLC finds only three complete copies worldwide (Cornell, American Philosophical Society (US) and Thomas Fisher Library, (Canada)). Freeman 925 ‎

‎Shu no Kigen: Seizon Kyoso Tekisha Seizon no Genri (i.e. English: ""Origin of Species""]. - [THE MOST INFLUENTIAL JAPANESE TRANSLATION OF 'ORIGIN OF SPECIES']‎

‎Tokyo, Tokyo Kaiseikan, Meiji 38 [1905]. 8vo. In the original full bloth cloth with gilt letteing (in both Japanese and Latin characters). Light occassional brownspotting, otherwise a fine copy. 4, 894, 28, 12 pp. + frontispiece and folded plate with genealogical tree.‎

6 Images

‎Rare second translation, and arguably the most important, of the Japanese translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"" (the first being from 1896 and only published once). This is the first translation to be made by a professional biologist. The previous translation (""Seibutsu Shigen"") was made by a law student which presumably was a contributing factor to the fact that the work primarily was embraced by social thinkers, philosophers and politicians to advocate the superiority of Japanese culture and society (and military) and not by biologist and zoologist. With the present translation Darwin's ideas and theories were finally properly introduced to the people they were intended for: biologist and zoologist. The popularity of Darwin's works and theories became immensly popular in Japan: ""Curiously, there are more versions of ""The Origin"" in Japanese than in any other language. The earliest were literary, with subsequent translations becoming more scientific as the Japanese developed a technical language for biology."" (Glick, The Comparatice Reception of Darwinism, P. XXII).""It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Darwin's work had in Japan - as in the rest of the world - profound influence on the academic disciplines of zoology and biology, however, in Japan the most immediate influence was not on these subjects but on social thinkers: ""[...] it exerted great influence on Japanese social thinkers and social activists. After learning of Darwin's theory, Hiroyuki Kato, the first president of Tokyo Imperial University, published his New Theory of Human Rights and advocated social evolution theory (social Darwinism), emphasizing the inevitable struggle for existence in human society. He criticized the burgeoning Freedom and People's right movement. Conversely Siusui Kautoku, a socialist and Japanese translator of the Communist Manifesto, wrote articles on Darwinism, such as ""Darwin and Marx"" (1904). In this and other articles, he criticized kato's theory on Social Darwinism, insisting that Darwinism does not contradict socialism. The well known anarchist, Sakae Osugi published the third translation of On the Origin of Species in 1914, and later his translation of peter Kropotokin's Mutial Aid: A Factor of Evolution. Osugi spread the idea of mutual aid as the philosophical base of Anarcho-syndicalism."" (Tsuyoshi, The Japanese Lysenkoism and its Historical Backgrounds, p. 9) ""Charles Darwin's theory of evolution was introduced to Japan in 1877 (Morse 1936/1877) during Japan's push to gain military modernity through study of western sciences and technologies and the culture from which they had arisen. In the ensuing decades the theory of evolution was applied as a kind of social scientific tool, i.e. social Spencerism (or social Darwinism) (Sakura 1998:341"" Unoura 1999). Sakura (1998) suggests that the theory of evolution did not have much biological application in Japan. Instead, Japanese applied the idea of 'the survival of the fittest' (which was a misreading of Darwin's natural selection theory) to society and to individuals in the struggle for existence in Japan's new international circumstances (see also Gluck 1985: 13, 265).However, at least by the second decade of the 1900s, and by the time that Imanishi Kinji entered the Kyoto Imperial University, the curricula in the natural and earth sciences were largely based on German language sources and later on English language texts. These exposed students to something very different from a social Darwinist approach in these sciences. New sources that allow us to follow"" (ASQUITH, Sources for Imanishi Kinji's views of sociality and evolutionary outcomes, p. 1).""After 1895, the year of China's defeat in the Sino-Japanese War, Spencer's slogan ""the survival of the fittest"" entered Chinese and Japanese writings as ""the superior win, the inferior lose."" Concerned with evolutionary theory in terms of the survival of China, rather than the origin of species, Chinese intellectuals saw the issue as a complex problem involving the evolution of institutions, ideas, and attitudes. Indeed, they concluded that the secret source of Western power and the rise of Japan was their mutual belief in modern science and the theory of evolutionary progress. According to Japanese scholars, traditional Japanese culture was not congenial to Weastern science because the Japanese view of the relationship between the human world and the divine world was totally different from that of Western philosophers. Japanese philosophers envisioned a harmonious relationship between heaven and earth, rather than conflict. Traditionally, nature was something to be seen through the eyes of a poet, rather than as the passive object of scientific investigations. The traditional Japanese vision of harmony in nature might have been uncongenial to a theory based on natural selection, but Darwinism was eagerly adopted by Japanese thinkers, who saw it as a scientific retionalization for Japan's intense efforts to become a modernized military and industial power. Whereas European and American scientists and theologians became embroiled in disputes about the evolutionary relationship between humans and other animals, Japanese debates about the meaning of Darwinism primarily dealt with the national and international implications of natural selection and the struggle for survival. Late nineteenth-century Japanese commentators were likely to refer to Darwinism as an ""eternal and unchangeable natural law"" that justified militaristic nationalism directed by supposedly superior elites"". (Magner, A History of the Life Sciences, Revised and Expanded, p. 349)""Between 1877 and 1888, only four works on the subject of biological evolution were published in Japan. During these same eleven years, by contrast, at least twenty Japanese translations of Herbert Spencer's loosely ""Darwinian"" social theories made their appearance. The social sciences dominated the subject, and when Darwin's original The Origin of Species (Seibutsu shigen) finally appeared in translation in 1896, it was published by a press specializing in economics. It is not surprising then that by the early 20th century, when Darwin's work began to make an impact as a biological rather than a ""social"" theory, the terms ""evolution"" (shinka), ""the struggle for existence"" (seizon kyôsô), and ""survival of the fittest"" (tekisha seizon) had been indelibly marked as social and political principles. It was as if Darwin's famous oceanic journey and the meticulous research into the animal and plant kingdoms that he spent his life undertaking had all been staged as an elaborate excuse for composing a theory whose true object was Victorian society and the fate of the world's modern nations."" (Golley, Darwinism in Japan: The Birth of Ecology).Freeman 719‎

‎Notes on the Effects produced by the Ancient Glaciers of Caernarvonshire, and on the Boulders transported by Floating Ice.‎

‎London, University of London, 1842. 8vo. In contemporary half calf. In ""The London, Edinburgh, and Dublin Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science"", Vol. XXI. July - December, entire volume offered. Spine with wear and lacking bits of the leather especially affecting front hinge. Leather brittle. Front hindge loose. Exlibris pasted on to pasted down front end-paper. Internally nice and clean. [Darwin's paper:] Pp. 180-88. [Entire volume: viii, 568 pp.].‎

‎First appearance of Darwin’s paper on the effects produced by the glaciers of Caernarvonshire. In 1831 Charles Darwin came to Cwm Idwal and failed to perceive the evidence of glaciation there. In 1842, Darwin then went on to describe the glaciation of Cwm Idwal in some detail. He recorded both his first visit with the Cambridge geologist Adam Sedgwick and his second, more aware, visit in his autobiography: “Next morning we started for Llangollen, Conway, Bangor, and Capel Curig. This tour was of decided use in teaching me a little how to make out the geology of a country. Sedgwick often sent me on a line parallel to his, telling me to bring back specimens of the rocks and to mark the stratification on a map. On this tour I had a striking instance of how easy it is to overlook phenomena, however conspicuous, before they have been observed by any one. We spent many hours in Cwm Idwal, examining all the rocks with extreme care, as Sedgwick was anxious to find fossils in them" but neither of us saw a trace of the wonderful glacial phenomena all around us we did not notice the plainly scored rocks, the perched boulders, the lateral and terminal moraines. Yet these phenomena are so conspicuous that, as I declared in a paper published many years afterwards in the ‘Philosophical Magazine’ [Darwin, 1842], a house burnt down by fire did not tell its story more plainly than did this valley. If it had still been filled by a glacier, the phenomena would have been less distinct than they now are. (Darwin, 1887)” “By 1842, not only had Darwin travelled widely (Herbert, 1991) but Agassiz (1840) had published his theory of glaciation. Darwin was also then apprised of the arguments of the geologist William Buckland. Buckland was known for his penchant for eating every variety of animal, a trait which his son inherited (Burgess, 1967: Chapter 1 Chorley et al., 1964: 100–118 see also Lewry, 2008) but he also developed highly significant ideas on glaciation and the limitations of the diluvial theory (Chorley et al., 1964: 207–210). A key realization is that water-lain flood deposits are normally laid down in stratified layers, with the coarser material below the fine, while the glacial deposits are unstratified and mixed in size. Thus, in contrast to his earlier 1831 lack of glacial observation” (Trudgill, Do theories tell us what to see? The 19th-century observations of Darwin, Ramsay and Bonney on glacial features), Darwin wrote: “Guided and taught by the abstract of Dr. Buckland’s memoir ‘On Diluvio-Glacial Phænomena in Snowdonia and the adjacent parts of North Wales’ I visited several of the localities there noticed, and ... I have been enabled to make a few additional observations. Dr. Buckland has stated that a mile east of Lake Ogwyn there occurs a series of mounds, covered with hundreds of large blocks of stone, which approach nearer to the condition of an undisturbed moraine, than any other mounds of detritus noticed by him in North Wales. By ascending these mounds it is indeed easy to imagine that they formed the north-western lateral moraine of a Trudgill 559 Downloaded from ppg.sagepub.com at PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIV on September 16, 2016 glacier, descending in a north-east line from the Great Glyder mountain. But at the southern end of Lake Idwell the phænomena of moraines are presented, though on a much smaller scale, with perfect distinctness. (From the present paper, p. 180)” Darwin then gives a detailed description of the glacial features: “On entering the wild amphitheatre in which Lake Idwell lies, some small conical, irregular little mounds, which might easily escape attention, may be seen at the further end. The best preserved mounds lie on the west side of the great black perpendicular face of rock, forming the southern boundary of the lake. They have been intersected in many places by streams, and they are seen to consist of earth and detritus, with great blocks of rock on their summits. They at first appear quite irregularly grouped, but to a person ascending any one of those furthest from the precipice, they are at once seen to fall into three (with traces of a fourth) narrow straight linear ridges. The ridge nearest the precipice runs someway up the mountain, but the outer one is longer and more perfect, and forms a trough with the mountain-side, from 10 to 15 feet deep. On the eastern and opposite side of the head of the lake, corresponding but less developed mounds of detritus may be seen running a little way up the mountain. It is, I think, impossible for any one who has read the descriptions of the moraines bordering the existing glaciers in the Alps, to stand on these mounds and for an instant to doubt that they are ancient moraines nor is it possible to conceive any other cause which could have abruptly thrown up these long narrow steep mounds of unstratified detritus against the mountain-sides. (From the present paper, p. 180)”‎

‎Om Arternes Oprindelse ved Kvalitetsvalg (Danish) + Arternes Oprindelse gjennem naturligt Udvalg (Norwegian) + Om Arternas Uppkomst genom naturligt Urval (Swedish). - [INTRODUCTION OF THE ""ORIGIN"" IN SCANDINAVIA]‎

‎Kjøbenhavn [Copenhagen], 1872 - (Kristiania [Oslo], 1890) - Stockholm, 1871. A very nice and harmonious set, in four excellent half calf bindings.1) The Danish translation: 1 volume 8vo. A nice contemporary half calf with gilding to spine and gilt title-label. Only light wear. Internally some light brownspotting. (19), XIII, 605, (1) pp.2) The Norwegian translation: 2 volumes small 8vo. Bound in two excellent, uniform, recent red morocco bindings in pastiche-style, with gilt lines to spines. The work is printed in quite bad paper, which is always yellowed and quite brittle. Thus, the first title-page has two small restorations from verso, far from arrecting printing. The second title-page had an old owener's signature and a previous owner's stamp. 379, (5)"" 383 pp.3) The Swedish translation: 1 volume large 8vo. Bound uncut and with the extremely scarce original front wrapper in a lovely later brown half morrocco binding in contemporary style, with five raised bands and gilt author and year to spine. Front wrapper bound on a strip at inner hinge and with a missing outer coner (far from affecting printing). Old owner's name to front wrapper. An excellent copy. XI, (1), 420 pp.‎

5 Images

‎A magnificent collection of first editions of the first Danish, Norwegian and Swedish translations of Darwin's masterpiece ""The Origin of Species"", together constituting the introduction to ""The Darwinian Revolution in Scandinavia"".The first Scandinavian translation to appear was the Swedish, which is also the rarest of the three. Darwinism was strongly opposed in Sweden, where the primary reaction to the work came from religious institutions that were outraged and fiercely fought against spreading the ideas presented in ""origin"" in their country. The second Scandinavian translation to appear was the Danish, which was translated in 1872 by the then young botanist J. P. Jacobsen, who was soon to become one f Scandinavia's most celebrated and influential authors. He received world-wide fame as the author of ""Marie Grubbe"" and ""Niels Lyhne"", which founded literary naturalism in Europe. ""In the early 1870's, however, he was still dedicated to science. In 1873 he received the University of Copenhagen's Gold Medal for his work on desmids, single-celled green freshwater algae. The Descent of Man was also translated by Jacobsen and appeared in 1874-75.""Darwin's ideas found great resonance in scientific circles in Denmark, and his ideas were immediately recognized. ""In the early 1870s [With the Danish translation] the literary critic Georg Brandes started promoting Darwin's ideas as part of his liberal ideology and soon Darwinism became the mark of a new generation of intellectuals. Both the Steenstrup circle and the Brandes circle held Darwin in high esteem, but made completely different attributions to his theory. Consequently they both decided to raise money separately for the same Darwin. Darwin had borrowed the collection of barnacles from the Zoology Museum in Copenhagen with the help of Steenstrup. As a compliment Darwin sent him a signed copy of the Origin. Steenstrup acknowledged Darwin as an important fellow naturalist, but like many of his colleagues at the University of Copenhagen he never accepted evolutionary theory. The initial scientific reaction to Darwin's work on evolution by means of natural selection was respectful, but made few converts. memorial in 1882. Independently, Darwinism transformed as it became part of popular culture. "" (Kjærsgaard, Darwinism comes to Denmark).The Norwegian translation was the last of the three to appear, but it is quite scarce and very difficult to come by. It was published by businessman and publisher Johan Sørensen (1830-1918) as a part of 'Bibliothek for de tusen hjem' (Library for Every Home).""The first volume came out at the end of 1889, in five parts and a total of 379 pages. Each part cost 30 øre, making a total price of 1 kroner 50 øre. The following year, 1890, the second volume appeared and this consisted of four parts totaling 383 pages and cost 1 kroner 20 øre. The books were translated from the English sixth and final edition by the Master of the Arendal Public Secondary College, Ingebret Suleng (1852-1928)"" (Glick, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Europe).1. The Danish translation: Om Arternes Oprindelse ved Kvalitetsvalg eller ved de heldigst stillede Formers Sejr i Kampen for Tilværelsen. Efter Originalens femte Udgave oversat af J.P. Jacobsen. Kjøbenhavn, Gyldendalske Boghandel (F. Hegel), 1872. 8vo. (10),XIII,605,(1) pp. - Freeman No 643 (Freeman with wrong collation, as he omits half-title and content-leaves).2. The Norwegian translation: Arternes Oprindelse gjennem naturligt Udvalg eller de bedst skikkede Formers bevarelse i Striden for Livet. Oversat efter Originalens VI. Udgave af Ingebret Suleng. (I-) II. (Kristiania), Bibliothek for de tusen hjem. Fagerstrand pr. Høvik, (1890). Small 8vo. (1-3)4-379,(4)"(1-3)4-383 pp. - Not in Freeman.3. The Swedish translation: Om Arternas Uppkomst genom naturligt Urval eller de bäst utrustade Rasernas Bestånd i Kampen för Tillvaron. Öfversättning från femte Originalupplagan af A.M. Selling. Stockholm, L.J. Hiertas Förlagsexpedition, 1871. (I-IV)V-XI,420 pp., 1 plate. - Freeman No 793 (Freeman having the wrong year of publication and not mentioning the plate).‎

‎De l'origine des espèces par sélection naturelle, ou Des lois du progrès chez les êtres organisés‎

‎Paris, Guillaumin & Victor Masson, 1866, in-8, [4]-LIX-614 (mal chiffré 114) pp, [1] p. d'errata, 1 pl, Demi-chagrin vert postérieur, dos à faux nerfs, "Pour moi, mon choix est fait : je crois au progrès" (Clémence Royer, p. LIX). Deuxième édition française, traduite par Clémence-Auguste Royer (1830-1902), accompagnée d'une préface et de notes. Planche en lithographie démontrant les effets de la sélection naturelle sur les descendants d'un parent commun, résultant de la divergence des caractères. Au début des années 1860, Clémence Royer, scientifique et économiste française autodidacte établie à Genève, prend connaissance du travail de Charles Darwin et s'attelle à la traduction en français de l'ouvrage qui fonde la théorie de l'évolution, On the Origin of Species, publié chez Murray en 1859. Le choix de cette traductrice, qui donne des cours sur Lamarck, Lyell et Malthus, s'impose à l'auteur, qui n'avait trouvé en France ni traducteur, ni éditeur pour son travail. La traduction de Clémence Royer parait ainsi en 1862 chez Masson, avec une préface retentissante, qui lui donne l'occasion de donner sa position sur l'évolutionnisme : la théorie de Darwin serait un "développement" rendant inattaquable "vieille théorie de Lamarck" (p. XLIV). Elle exprime sa critique de la révélation chrétienne, de la distinction absolue entre l'homme et l'animal et de la providence divine ("[...] c'est rapetisser l'idée de Dieu que d'en faire un magicien des Mille et une nuits." P. XLIV). Cette première édition française déplait fortement à Darwin, qui reproche sa traductrice ses remarques personnelles et sa tentation de récupération idéologique. Effectivement, les libertés prises s'annoncent dès le titre, qui s'éloigne de l'original anglais : De l'origine des espèces ou Des lois du progrès chez les êtres organisés. Darwin confesse son inquiétude à ses correspondants : "Royer, who must be one of the cleverest & oddest women in Europe is ardent Deist & hates Christianity, & declares that natural selection & the struggle for life will explain all morality, nature of man, politicks &c &c!!! She makes some very curious & good hits, & says she shall publish a book on these subjects, & a strange production it will be" (Darwin, lettre à Asa Gray, 10-20 juin 1862). "Almost everywhere in Origin, when I express great doubt, she appends a note explaining the difficulty or saying that there is none whatever!! It is really curious to know what conceited people there are in the world" (Darwin, lettre à J. D. Hooker, 11 septembre 1862). Darwin saisit comme excuse la publication de la seconde édition française pour changer de traducteur : d'une part, Clémence Royer ne l'a pas averti de sa parution; d'autre, part, elle a omis les additions et corrections apportées au fil des éditions anglaises. Elle sera remplacée par le savant genevois Jean-Jacques Moulinié, dont la traduction paraîtra au début de l'année 1873, sous un titre plus proche de l'original anglais, L'Origine des espèces au moyen de la sélection naturelle, ou La lutte pour l'existence dans la nature, chez l'éditeur Reinwald, qui publiait toute l'oeuvre de Darwin en français. Quelques rousseurs claires, fine mouillure en pied des premiers feuillets. Bon exemplaire. Darwin Correspondence Project. University of Cambridge [en ligne]. Couverture rigide‎

‎Bon [4]-LIX-614 (mal chiffré‎

‎Az Ember Származàsa és az Ivari Kiválás [i.e. Hungarian: ""The Descent of Man.""]. [Translated by:] Török Aurei és Entz Géza. 2 vols. - [FIRST HUNGARIAN TRANSLATION OF DARWIN'S ""THE DESCENT OF MAN""]‎

‎Budapest, Kiadja A. K. M., 1884. 8vo. In the publisher's original two embossed full red cloth bindings with gilt lettering to spine. Small vague stamp to both half-titles. Hindges loose on volume i. A fine fine and clean copy. LXXI, (1), 542 pp."" VII, 5, 436 pp.‎

‎The exceedingly rare first Hungarian translation of Darwin's The Descent of Man. ""Compared with the original and with a biography by Margó Tivador"" (Freeman). The Hungarian public was introduced to Darwinism early on when Ferenc Jánosi reviewed The Origin of Species in the Budapesti Szemle (Budapest Review) a half year after it first appeared in English. Darwin's principal works were first published in Hungarian translation by the Royal Hungarian Natural Science Society (Királyi Magyar Természettudományi Társulat). The Origin of Species, translated by László Dapsy, was published in 1873"" The present work in 1884 and a few years later, in 1897, the latter work was translated anew and published by László Seress. ""It is characteristic of the enlightened spirit of the country in this period that Darwin received academic recognition earlier in Hungary than in England. Although Cambridge did not honor Darwin until 1879, he was elected an honorary member of The Hungarian Academy of Sciences in 1872, the same year on this occasion the renowned Hungarian zoologist Tivadar Margó visited him at Down.Historical circumstances played a major role in this quick appearance of Darwinism and its popularity in Hungary. The failure of the 1848-49 revolution and war of independence seemingly put an end to progressive political discourse, signaling an ideological crisis among the intelligentsia. In this context, the natural sciences with their 'eternal truths' promised a way out, inasmuch as science's promised objectivity might well serve as a politically neutral expression of progressive values"" (Mund, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Nineteenth-Century Hungarian Society).""Darwin wrote, in the preface to the second edition, of 'the fiery ordeal through which this book has passed'. He had avoided the logical outcome of the general theory of evolution, bringing man into the scheme, for twelve years, and in fact it had, by that time, been so much accepted that the clamour of the opposition was not strident. He had also been preceded in 1863 by Huxley's Man's place in nature. The book, in its first edition, contains two parts, the descent of man itself, and selection in relation to sex. The word 'evolution' occurs, for the first time in any of Darwin's works, on page 2 of the first volume of the first edition, that is to say before its appearance in the sixth edition of The origin of species in the following year."" (Freeman).Freeman no. 1084.‎

‎Lajien synty luonnollisen valinnan kautta eli luonnon suosimien rotujen säilyminen taistelussa olemassaolosta. (i.e. English: ""Origin of Species""). - [RARE FIRST FINNISH TRANSLATION OF DARWIN'S 'ORIGIN OF SPECIES']‎

‎Hämeenlinna, Karisto, 1913. Large8vo. In contemporary half calf (original?) with gilt lettering to spine and embossed lettering to back board. Light wear and a few scratches to extremities. Previous owner's name to front free end-paper. Internally fine and clean. XVI, 621, (1) pp. + frontiespiece of Darwin.‎

‎Rare first Finnish translation of Darwin's Origin of Species. The present translation was published fairly late compared to those of much of the rest of Western Europe. Finlanders had been reading a translation of the 5th London edition since 1871, in Swedish, the language of academe in Finland at the time.Up until 1913 various books in Finnish had been published on Darwin and his theory but ""What was still lacking was Darwin's own book in Finnish translation, although such an edition had been suggested in the Vanamo Society as much as ten years earlier. When a government fund for furthering Finnish literature was established in 1909, The Origin of Species was listed among important books that needed to be translated, although it was noticed that now, fifty years after its original publication, it would have more historical than scientific value. For various reasons it took some time before this translation was realized, and finally it was published serially between 1913 and 1917.Finnish, although the language of the overwhelming majority of the population, had for centuries been suppressed and gained cultural status and official recognition only gradually during the latter half of the nineteenth century, which, of course delayed translation of both classical and contemporary literature, including Darwin's works. In this respect the Finnish situation may be compared with the case of the Baltic Peoples, the Czechs and the Slovaks, the Hungarians, the Croatians and the Serbs and some other European nations which in Darwinian times had not yet gained their independence. "" (Glick & Engels, The Reception of Charles Darwin in Europe, Vol 1, p. 144)Translator A. R. Koskimies, is also known for his translations of Le Sage, Jane Austen, and Boccaccio. The present book was translated from the 6th London edition. OCLC list only one copy: The Thomas Fisher Rare Book Library, Toronto. Also The National Library of Finland and The Huntington hold a copy.‎

‎O Proischozhdenii Vodov... [Russian: On the Origin of Species]. Perevel c anglijskago [translated from English by] S.A. Rachinsky. - [""THE MOST IMPORTANT BIOLOGICAL BOOK EVER WRITTEN"" (FREEMAN)]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, 1864. 8vo. Bound in a beautiful half calf recent pastiche-binding with marbled papers over boards and elegant gilding to spine. End-papers renewed. Stamp to half-title, title-page and first leaf of text. First leaves evenly browned and dampstain to outer margin affecting last 50 ff. A few occassional brownspots throughout. XIV, 399, (1) pp. + 1 plate with genealogical tree (between pp. 92/93).‎

‎First edition of the first Russian translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"", a main reason for the widespread effect of Darwinism in Russia, where the theory met less resistance in the 1860'ies than it did in Western Europe. In Russia, Darwinism had a profound influence not only upon the different sciences, but also on philosophy, economic and political thought, and the great literature of the period. For instance, both Tolstoy and Dostoevsky referenced Darwin in their most important works, as did numerous other thinkers of the period.""In 1864, S.A. Rachinsky, professor of plant physiology at St. Petersburg University, produced the first Russian translation of the ""Origin"". Although not a masterpiece of translation art, the book sold out so quickly that in 1865 it went through a second printing. By this time Darwin's ideas were discussed not only by scientists but also by such popular writers as Dmitri Pisarev and M. A. Antinovich."" (Glick, p. 232). Rachinsky began translating the ""Origin"" in 1862 and wrote an important article on the theories presented in it, while working on the translation. This article and the translation of the ""Origin"" into Russian were responsible for the great success and rapid, widespread knowledge of Darwinian theory of evolution in Russia. ""Darwin was concerned that the ""Origin of Species"" reach naturalists across the world, but translations of that complicated work raised problems for Darwin. If he found it difficult to make the reader ""understand what is meant"" in England and America, at least in those two countries he and the reader were discussing the ""Origin of Species"" in the same language. Foreign language editions raised not only the thorny question of translating Darwinian terms, but also the problem of translators, who often thought it proper to annotate their editions to explain the ""significance"" of Darwinism. The first Russian translation of the ""Origin of Species"" (1864) appeared, however, without any comment whatever by the translator, Sergei A. Rachinsky, professor of botany at the University of Moscow. Rachinsky had begun the translation in 1862 and published an article on Darwinism while continuing work on the translation in 1863."" (Rogers, p. 485). In the year of publication of the translation, 1864, Pisarev wrote a long article in ""The Russian Word"", which purports to be a review of this translation" the critic complains about the absence of notes and commentaries by the translator. Pisarev furthermore points to several errors in the translation and to numerous infelicities of expression. Acknowledging the importance of the work, however, and of the spreading of Darwinism in Russia, he goes on in his own essay to provide a much more popular account of Darwin's theory and to impress upon his readers its revolutionary significance.Nikolai Strakhov also reviewed the translation immediately upon publication, acknowledging the effect it would have. Strakhov, however, recognized potential dangers inherent in the theory and expressed them in his review of Rachinsky's translation. He praised the work for its thoroughness and rejoiced in the evidence that man constituted the highest stage of organic development" but then he went on to argue that by moving into questions of philosophy and theology, the Darwinists were exceeding the limits of scientific evidence. Like Pisarev, Tolstoy enthusiastically embraced Darwinism. ""The first mention of Darwin in Tolstoy's literary ""Nachlass"" is found in one of the drafts to ""War and Peace"". There Darwin is listed, apparently quite favorably, among leading thinkers ""working toward new truth"" [...] Thus by the late 1860's the name of Darwin as a leading scientist was already familiar to Tolstoy and duly respected."" (McLean, p. 160). A fact which is often overlooked is that Tolstoy actually knew Rachinsky quite well. Interestingly, it was in a letter to Rachinsky, in reply to a question about the structure of ""Anna Karenina"", that Tolstoy made the famous statement (that all Tolstoy scholars and lovers know by heart): ""I am proud of the architecture - the arches are joined in such a way that you cannot discover where the keystone is"". Like Strakhov, however, Dostoevsky, acknowledging the significance of the ""Origin"", saw the dangers of the theory. In the same year as the publication of Rachinsky's translation, he lets the narrator in ""Notes from Underground"" (1864) launch his attack on Darwinism , beginning: ""As soon as they prove you, for instance, that you are descended from a monkey, then it's no use scowling, you just have to accept it.""In ""Crime and Punishment"" (two years later, 1866) the Darwinian overtones inherent in Raskolnikov's theory of the extraordinary man are unmistakable. He describes the mechanism of ""natural selection,"" where, according to the laws of nature, by the crossing of races and types, a ""genius"" would eventually emerge. In general, Darwinian themes and Darwin's name occur in many contexts in a large number of Dostoevsky's works.Freeman 748. See: James Allen Rogers: The Reception of Darwin's Origin of Species by Russian Scientists. In: Isis, Vol. 64, No. 4 (Dec., 1973), pp. 484-503.Thomas F. Glick: The Comparative Reception of Darwinism. 1974.Hugh McLean: In Quest of Tolstoy. 2008.‎

‎Proiskhozhdenie chelovieska i polovoi podbor [i.e. English ""Descent of Man""]. - [FIRST TRANSLATION OF DARWIN'S 'DESCENT OF MAN' INTO ANY LANGUAGE]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, Izdanie redaktsii zhurnala ""Znanie, 1871. 8vo. In contemporary black half calf with four rasied bands and gilt lettering to spine. Corners of binding with repairs and a three cm long tear to lower front hindge. Light miscolouring throughout, especially to first 10 leaves. (2), VII, (6), 439 pp.‎

‎The exceedingly rare first Russian translation of Darwin's 'Descent of Man' published only four month after the original English. The Russian publisher was eager to have a translation published, hence this early abridged edition - two other Russian translations followed later the same year - The present translation being the very first into any language. ""The Descent of Man showed that the process of organic evolution, propelled by the struggle for existence and natural selection, applied to man no less than to the rest of the animal kingdom. It gave explicit recognition to the idea of the anthropoid origin of man. This claim surprised no one, for it was clearly hinted at in the great work of 1859 and was elaborated in Thomas Huxley's Man's Place in Nature and Vogt's Lectures on Man. Nor was it much of a surprise when three Russian translations of The Descent appeared within one year after the publication of the English original. Two general ideas represented the essence of The Descent: natural selection is not only behind the physical survival of man but also behind the evolution of cultural values"" and the differences between animal and human behavior are differences of degree rather than of kind."" (Darwin in Russian Thought) ""The Expression helped lay the foundations for a scientific study of the psychological aspect of the evolution of species. The book appeared in a Russian translation only a few months after the publication of the English original. The paleontologist Vladimir Kovalevskii was the translator, and the embryologist Aleksandr Kovalevskii was in charge of editorial tasks. In 1874 Vladimir wrote to Darwin that nearly two thousand copies of the Russian translation were sold."" "" The Expression deals much more extensively with selected aspects of human and animal behavior than with general problems of evolutionary biology. The Russian reviewers were generally impressed with Darwin's descriptions and categorizations of animal behavior. The Journal of the Ministry of Public Education was unusually profuse in praising the book's content and writing style. The reviewer commended Darwin's impartiality and avoidance of ""materialistic trappings."" Even the adherents of spiritualism could read the book, he wrote, without the least discomfort. The reviewer thought that psychologists would benefit from the information the book presented on the ""physiological"" basis of behavior. Indeed, he recommended the book to all readers interested in the scientific foundations of human behavior. The liberal journal Knowledgewas equally laudatory. It noted that the book was eminently successful on two counts: it offered a ""rational explanation"" of many expressions of human emotions, and it integrated the study of animal and human behavior into the universal process of organic evolution. In fact, no educated person could afford to ignore it.N. P. Vagner, professor of zoology and comparative anatomy at St. Petersburg University, called The Expression a book with ""great strengths and minor flaws."" The volume reminded him of Darwin's previous works, which marked ""turning points in the history of science."" The strength of the book lay much more in its suggestion of new topics for comparative-psychological research than in a presentation of a theoretically and logically integrated system of scientific thought. Insufficient exploration of the physiological underpinnings of mental activities represented the book's major shortcoming"" (Darwin in Russian Thought) In Russia Darwinism had a profound influence not only upon the different sciences, but also on philosophy, economic and political thought, and the great literature of the period. For instance, both Tolstoy and Dostoevsky referenced Darwin in their most important works, as did numerous other thinkers of the period.Like Strakhov, however, Dostoevsky, acknowledging the significance of the ""Origin of Species"", saw the dangers of the theory. In the same year as the publication of Rachinsky's translation, he lets the narrator in ""Notes from Underground"" (1864) launch his attack on Darwinism , beginning: ""As soon as they prove you, for instance, that you are descended from a monkey, then it's no use scowling, you just have to accept it.""In ""Crime and Punishment"" (two years later, 1866) the Darwinian overtones inherent in Raskolnikov's theory of the extraordinary man are unmistakable. He describes the mechanism of ""natural selection,"" where, according to the laws of nature, by the crossing of races and types, a ""genius"" would eventually emerge. In general, Darwinian themes and Darwin's name occur in many contexts in a large number of Dostoevsky's works.'Descent of Man' was transted into Danish, Dutch, French, German, Italian, Polish, Russian and Swedish in Darwin's lifetime. Freeman 1107.‎

‎O Proischozhdenii Vodov... [Russian: On the Origin of Species]. Perevel c anglijskago [translated from English by] S.A. Rachinsky. - [""THE MOST IMPORTANT BIOLOGICAL BOOK EVER WRITTEN"" (FREEMAN)]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, 1864. 8vo. Bound in a beautiful recent pastiche-binding of brown half calf with marbled papers over boards and elegant gilding to spine. End-papers renewed. A few dampstains and a bit of brownspotting throughout. A nice copy. XIV, 399, (1) pp. + 1 plate.‎

5 Images

‎First edition of the first Russian translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"", a main reason for the widespread effect of Darwinism in Russia, where the theory met less resistance in the 1860'ies than it did in Western Europe. In Russia, Darwinism had a profound influence not only upon the different sciences, but also on philosophy, economic and political thought, and the great literature of the period. For instance, both Tolstoy and Dostoevsky referenced Darwin in their most important works, as did numerous other thinkers of the period.""In 1864, S.A. Rachinsky, professor of plant physiology at St. Petersburg University, produced the first Russian translation of the ""Origin"". Although not a masterpiece of translation art, the book sold out so quickly that in 1865 it went through a second printing. By this time Darwin's ideas were discussed not only by scientists but also by such popular writers as Dmitri Pisarev and M. A. Antinovich."" (Glick, p. 232). Rachinsky began translating the ""Origin"" in 1862 and wrote an important article on the theories presented in it, while working on the translation. This article and the translation of the ""Origin"" into Russian were responsible for the great success and rapid, widespread knowledge of Darwinian theory of evolution in Russia. ""Darwin was concerned that the ""Origin of Species"" reach naturalists across the world, but translations of that complicated work raised problems for Darwin. If he found it difficult to make the reader ""understand what is meant"" in England and America, at least in those two countries he and the reader were discussing the ""Origin of Species"" in the same language. Foreign language editions raised not only the thorny question of translating Darwinian terms, but also the problem of translators, who often thought it proper to annotate their editions to explain the ""significance"" of Darwinism. The first Russian translation of the ""Origin of Species"" (1864) appeared, however, without any comment whatever by the translator, Sergei A. Rachinsky, professor of botany at the University of Moscow. Rachinsky had begun the translation in 1862 and published an article on Darwinism while continuing work on the translation in 1863."" (Rogers, p. 485). In the year of publication of the translation, 1864, Pisarev wrote a long article in ""The Russian Word"", which purports to be a review of this translation" the critic complains about the absence of notes and commentaries by the translator. Pisarev furthermore points to several errors in the translation and to numerous infelicities of expression. Acknowledging the importance of the work, however, and of the spreading of Darwinism in Russia, he goes on in his own essay to provide a much more popular account of Darwin's theory and to impress upon his readers its revolutionary significance.Nikolai Strakhov also reviewed the translation immediately upon publication, acknowledging the effect it would have. Strakhov, however, recognized potential dangers inherent in the theory and expressed them in his review of Rachinsky's translation. He praised the work for its thoroughness and rejoiced in the evidence that man constituted the highest stage of organic development" but then he went on to argue that by moving into questions of philosophy and theology, the Darwinists were exceeding the limits of scientific evidence. Like Pisarev, Tolstoy enthusiastically embraced Darwinism. ""The first mention of Darwin in Tolstoy's literary ""Nachlass"" is found in one of the drafts to ""War and Peace"". There Darwin is listed, apparently quite favorably, among leading thinkers ""working toward new truth"" [...] Thus by the late 1860's the name of Darwin as a leading scientist was already familiar to Tolstoy and duly respected."" (McLean, p. 160). A fact which is often overlooked is that Tolstoy actually knew Rachinsky quite well. Interestingly, it was in a letter to Rachinsky, in reply to a question about the structure of ""Anna Karenina"", that Tolstoy made the famous statement (that all Tolstoy scholars and lovers know by heart): ""I am proud of the architecture - the arches are joined in such a way that you cannot discover where the keystone is"". Like Strakhov, however, Dostoevsky, acknowledging the significance of the ""Origin"", saw the dangers of the theory. In the same year as the publication of Rachinsky's translation, he lets the narrator in ""Notes from Underground"" (1864) launch his attack on Darwinism , beginning: ""As soon as they prove you, for instance, that you are descended from a monkey, then it's no use scowling, you just have to accept it.""In ""Crime and Punishment"" (two years later, 1866) the Darwinian overtones inherent in Raskolnikov's theory of the extraordinary man are unmistakable. He describes the mechanism of ""natural selection,"" where, according to the laws of nature, by the crossing of races and types, a ""genius"" would eventually emerge. In general, Darwinian themes and Darwin's name occur in many contexts in a large number of Dostoevsky's works.Freeman: 748. See: James Allen Rogers: The Reception of Darwin's Origin of Species by Russian Scientists. In: Isis, Vol. 64, No. 4 (Dec., 1973), pp. 484-503.Thomas F. Glick: The Comparative Reception of Darwinism. 1974.Hugh McLean: In Quest of Tolstoy. 2008.‎

‎Proiskhozhdenie chelovieska i polovoi podbor [i.e. English ""Descent of Man""]. - [FIRST TRANSLATION OF DARWIN'S 'DESCENT OF MAN' INTO ANY LANGUAGE]‎

‎S.-Peterburg, Izdanie redaktsii zhurnala ""Znanie, 1871. 8vo. In recent half calf with four rasied bands and gilt lettering to spine. Soiling and damp stain to title-page. Light brownspotting throughout. (2), VII, (5), 439, (7) pp.‎

‎The exceedingly rare first Russian translation of Darwin's 'Descent of Man' published only four months after the original English. The Russian publisher was eager to have a translation published, hence this early abridged edition - two other Russian translations followed later the same year - The present translation being the very first into any language. ""The Descent of Man showed that the process of organic evolution, propelled by the struggle for existence and natural selection, applied to man no less than to the rest of the animal kingdom. It gave explicit recognition to the idea of the anthropoid origin of man. This claim surprised no one, for it was clearly hinted at in the great work of 1859 and was elaborated in Thomas Huxley's Man's Place in Nature and Vogt's Lectures on Man. Nor was it much of a surprise when three Russian translations of The Descent appeared within one year after the publication of the English original. Two general ideas represented the essence of The Descent: natural selection is not only behind the physical survival of man but also behind the evolution of cultural values"" and the differences between animal and human behavior are differences of degree rather than of kind."" (Darwin in Russian Thought) ""The Expression helped lay the foundations for a scientific study of the psychological aspect of the evolution of species. The book appeared in a Russian translation only a few months after the publication of the English original. The paleontologist Vladimir Kovalevskii was the translator, and the embryologist Aleksandr Kovalevskii was in charge of editorial tasks. In 1874 Vladimir wrote to Darwin that nearly two thousand copies of the Russian translation were sold."" "" The Expression deals much more extensively with selected aspects of human and animal behavior than with general problems of evolutionary biology. The Russian reviewers were generally impressed with Darwin's descriptions and categorizations of animal behavior. The Journal of the Ministry of Public Education was unusually profuse in praising the book's content and writing style. The reviewer commended Darwin's impartiality and avoidance of ""materialistic trappings."" Even the adherents of spiritualism could read the book, he wrote, without the least discomfort. The reviewer thought that psychologists would benefit from the information the book presented on the ""physiological"" basis of behavior. Indeed, he recommended the book to all readers interested in the scientific foundations of human behavior. The liberal journal Knowledgewas equally laudatory. It noted that the book was eminently successful on two counts: it offered a ""rational explanation"" of many expressions of human emotions, and it integrated the study of animal and human behavior into the universal process of organic evolution. In fact, no educated person could afford to ignore it.N. P. Vagner, professor of zoology and comparative anatomy at St. Petersburg University, called The Expression a book with ""great strengths and minor flaws."" The volume reminded him of Darwin's previous works, which marked ""turning points in the history of science."" The strength of the book lay much more in its suggestion of new topics for comparative-psychological research than in a presentation of a theoretically and logically integrated system of scientific thought. Insufficient exploration of the physiological underpinnings of mental activities represented the book's major shortcoming"" (Darwin in Russian Thought) In Russia Darwinism had a profound influence not only upon the different sciences, but also on philosophy, economic and political thought, and the great literature of the period. For instance, both Tolstoy and Dostoevsky referenced Darwin in their most important works, as did numerous other thinkers of the period.Like Strakhov, however, Dostoevsky, acknowledging the significance of the ""Origin of Species"", saw the dangers of the theory. In the same year as the publication of Rachinsky's translation, he lets the narrator in ""Notes from Underground"" (1864) launch his attack on Darwinism , beginning: ""As soon as they prove you, for instance, that you are descended from a monkey, then it's no use scowling, you just have to accept it.""In ""Crime and Punishment"" (two years later, 1866) the Darwinian overtones inherent in Raskolnikov's theory of the extraordinary man are unmistakable. He describes the mechanism of ""natural selection,"" where, according to the laws of nature, by the crossing of races and types, a ""genius"" would eventually emerge. In general, Darwinian themes and Darwin's name occur in many contexts in a large number of Dostoevsky's works.'Descent of Man' was transted into Danish, Dutch, French, German, Italian, Polish, Russian and Swedish in Darwin's lifetime. Freeman 1107.‎

‎Observations on the Structure and Propagation of the genus Sagitta. - [""ONE OF THE MOST ANOMALOUS ANIMALS IN THE WORLD""]‎

‎London, Taylor and Francis, 1844. 8vo. In a nice later half morocco binding with five raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. Blind stamped to upper outer corner of first leaf of table of contents. In ""The Annals and Magazine of Natural History"", volume 13. A very fine and clean copy. [Darwin's paper] pp. (1)-6 + 1 plate. [Entire volume:] viii, [1] - 528 + 14 plates (4 hand-coloured).‎

4 Images

‎First edition of Darwin's paper on marine arrow worms collected by him on his voyage on the Beagle. It is one of Darwin's early papers on invertebrates, which was originally intended for publication in The Zoology of the Voyage of HMS Beagle. Described by Darwin as ""one of the most anomalous animals in the world,"" the origin of these strange carnivorous animals, which Darwin found highly interesting, is still unresolved. These early works are rarely seen on the market. The plate, drawn by Darwin, is based on his drawings made during the Beagle Voyage.Darwin arrived back in England from his voyage around the world on the Beagle in October 1836. He immediately set about writing up the results of the expedition-first, his general account, the Journal of the Beagle, and then, publishing the scientific observations and collections he had made while on the Beagle. The majority of these were published in the Zoology-including parts on mammals, fish, birds, and reptiles but Darwin ran out of funds beforehe could bring out the volume on invertebrates:""Darwin undertook to provide a comprehensive programme for the publication of the zoological results of the Beagle voyage - he obtained a Treasury grant to pay for the necessary engravings, and, having enlisted the leading taxonomical specialists in the several fields, he superintended the publication of the Zoology of the voyage of H.M.S. Beagle from February 1838 to October 1843 - The work comprises five parts: Fossil Mammalia, by Richard Owen" Mammalia, by G. R. Waterhouse Birds, by John Gould Fish, by Leonard Jenyns" and Reptiles, by Thomas Bell-a total of nineteen quarto issues. Darwin contributed a substantial portion of the text, drawing uponhis field notes for geological and geographical data and for the descriptions of the habits and habitats of the species - Darwin had originally planned to include descriptions of invertebrates in the Zoology but the exhaustion ofthe government grant forced him to abandon the idea. Instead he decided to publish his own observations and descriptions of the specimens that he considered to be important new discoveries, and did so in articles on Sagitta finished during the autumn of 1843, and Planariae, described in 1844"" (Burkhardt 1986 p. xv.).PROVENANCE: From the collection William Pickett Harris, Jr. (1897 - 1972) (pencil note on p. iii). American investment banker and biologist. Following a career in banking, Harris was appointed Associate Curator of the Museum of Zoology at the University of Michigan in 1928. ""[Harris] played a highly important role in developing mammalogy and systematic collections of mammals at the University of Michigan"" (Hooper p. 923).Freeman 1664.‎

‎Brief Descriptions of several Terrestrial Planariae, and of some remarkable Marine Species, with an Account of their Habits. - [DARWIN’S FIRST PUBLICATION ON TAXONOMY]‎

‎London, Taylor and Francis, 1844. 8vo. In a nice later half morocco binding with five raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. Blind stamped to upper outer corner of first leaf of table of contents. In ""The Annals and Magazine of Natural History"", volume 14. A very fine and clean copy. [Darwin's paper] pp. pp. 241-251.. [Entire volume:] vii, [1] - 472 + 12 plates.‎

‎First edition of Darwin's paper on flatworms collected by him during the Beagle voyage, one of the important early papers by Darwin on invertebrates originally intended for publication in The Zoology of the Voyage of HMS Beagle. This is Darwin's first publication on taxonomy: illustrated with a plate drawn by Darwin, it describes a new genus and 15 new species of flatworm. Extremely rare on the market.""The paper on flatworms [...] was Darwin's first venture into taxonomy. In it, he described a new genus and 15 new species"" most of the latter are still recognised as valid. He took a great deal of interest in these animals, making extensive notes on their morphology and behaviour"" (Porter, Darwin's Sciences).Previously familiar only with marine species, Darwin was astounded to discover two new species of flatworm living on dry land in Brazil. He was intrigued by their close resemblance to snails, and evolutionary questions may well lie behind his strong interest in them. PROVENANCE: From the collection William Pickett Harris, Jr. (1897 - 1972) (pencil note on p. iii). American investment banker and biologist. Following a career in banking, Harris was appointed Associate Curator of the Museum of Zoology at the University of Michigan in 1928. ""[Harris] played a highly important role in developing mammalogy and systematic collections of mammals at the University of Michigan"" (Hooper p. 923).Freeman 1669‎

‎Briefe von Darwin. Mit Erinnerungen und Erlaeuterungen. (i.e. English ""Letters on Geology""). - [RARE FIRST TRANSLATION OF DARWIN'S FIRST PUBLISHED WORK]‎

‎Berlin, Gebrüder Paetel, 1891. Large8vo. In a nice contemporary half calf binding with 5 raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. In ""Deutsche Rundschau"", Band 67, 1891. Green leather title-label and red leather tome-label to spine, Small paper label pasted on to top left corner of front board. Two stamps to first leaf and one stamp to P. 476. Light wear to extremities, internally very fine and clean. Pp. 357-390. [Entire volume: IV, 480 pp.]‎

‎The Exceedingly rare first (and only 19th century) translation of Darwin's first published work ""Letters on Geology"" from 1835. The pamphlet was initially published without Darwin's consent and he was ""a good deal horrified"" when he learned about the publication, which explains the posthumous translation. The work contains extracts from ten letters written by Darwin to John Stevens Henslow (1796-1861) during his five-year voyage on the Beagle. Henslow, the charismatic and well-connected Regis Professor of Botany at Cambridge, was Darwin's close friend and first mentor in natural history and responsible for obtaining for Darwin his position as ship's naturalist aboard the Beagle. Henslow had this pamphlet printed without Darwin's knowledge for distribution amongst the members of the Cambridge Philosophical Society ""in consequence of the interest which has been excited by some of the Geological notices which they contain, and which were read at a Meeting of the Society on the 16th of November 1835"" an act which secured Darwin's reputation with the scientific community even before his return to England in October, 1836. ""It has always been assumed that it was issued, to members of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, in December 1835 and this is probably so , but I have not seen a copy with a dated ownership inscription, or accession stamp, for that year"" (Freeman).The original pamphlet was reprinted in facsimile in 1960, again for private circulation in the Cambridge Philosophical Society and for friends of that Society. Only two translations has been made: The present first and a Russian from 1959 (Freeman 7).Freeman No. 6.‎

‎Observations on the Parallel Roads of Glen Roy, and of other parts of Lochaber in Scotland, with an attempt to prove that they are of marine origin.‎

‎(London, Richard and John E. Taylor, 1839). 4to. Without wrappers. Extracted from ""Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London."", 1839, Part I. Pp. 39-81 and 2 plates. (1 engraved map and 1 lithographed plate). Both plates with a few brownspots.‎

‎First appearance of Darwin's investigations of the geological phenomenon of the so-called ""Parallel Roads"" in Scotland.""The first published description of the Parallel Roads was by Thomas Pennant in 1771 in his book A Tour of Scotland. This work was far from scientific but during the 19th century Glen Roy played an important role in the development of geological and geomophological theories of landscape evolution.1 Initially the 'Roads' were believed to be lake or marine shorelines. How they were formed in an area that was now high above the sea and without signs of a closed lake bed was a mystery. Initially it was thought that the shorelines were of marine origin and formed during a period when the sea reached levels of the Parallel Roads. Among the proponent of this theory were both Charles Darwin and Charles Lyell.2 It was in particular Darwin who was impressed by the geology of Glen Roy. In 1838 he wrote to Lyell, ""I wandered the mountains in All directions and examined that most extraordinary district. I think without any exceptions, not even the first volcanic island, the first elevated beach, or the passage of the Cordillera, as so interesting to me as this week. It is far the most remarkable area I ever examined. ... I can assure you Glen Roy has astonished me"".3 Darwin and Lyell proved to be wrong in this matter."" (Jan Oosthoek). Freeman 1653.‎

‎Orígen de las especies por medio de la seleccion natural, ó, Conservacion de las razas en su lucha por la existencia. - [SECOND EDITION OF THE SPANISH TRANSLATION OF 'ORIGIN OF SPECIES'.]‎

‎Madrid, José de Rojas, (1877 or 1880). 8vo. In contemporary half calf with five raised bands and gilt lettering to spine. Spine miscoloured and light shelfwear to extremities. A small stamp to half title. A closed tear on pp. 49-50. Otherwise internally fine and clean copy. 2), X, (2), 559 pp. + folded plate. [Freeman wrongly collate X, 589 pp.].‎

‎The rare second edition of the first Spanish translation of Darwin's ""Origin of Species"", this edition being corrected and rewritten in impersonal passive constructions (as opposed to the first Spanish edition being translated in personal) and a portrait of Darwin has been added. As the first edition (Freeman 770), this copy is of the utmost scarcity and very few copies of it are known. OCLC list only four copies (one in Puerto Rico and three in Barcelona), Blanco & Llorco lists two in Barcelona, one in Madrid and one in Valencia - no copies are listed in US libraries. The date of publication is disputed"" Freeman lists 1877 whereas Blanco & Llorco says 1880.""Unlike what had been the case in England, Darwin did not first become widely known in Spanish-speaking countries for the account of his travel around the world but was controversially introduced by the impact his ""Origin of the Species"" was having everywhere else. It is true, however, that his name was already familiar among scientists and intellectuals but it was ""The Origin of the Species"" and its translations that made him a household name. ... The full authorized version of ""The Origin of Species"" was finally translated in 1877 by Enrique Godínez. It had Darwin's endorsement and it was published with a letter from him, where he expressed being glad to have the book translated into Spanish because that would mean that it might be known not only ""in the large kingdom of Spain"" but also ""in the widest extended regions where spanish [sic] is spoken"" (Zabalbeascoa, 1968, p. 275).It took almost twenty years to have Darwin's best known work translated into Spanish while the German, French and Italian-speaking readership had had their own versions of ""The Origin of Species"" since 1860, 1862 and 1875 respectively (Núñez, 1969, p.27). We know it was not due to the author's unwillingness. Brisset states that after the success of ""The Origin of Species"" he communicated to his publisher that he wished his ideas be known abroad (2002, p. 178). This gap reveals that Spain was definitely lagging behind in spreading Darwin's ideas. We could attribute this tardiness to the ""governmental and ecclesiastical pressure"" that Dale J. Pratt mentions when he states that ""open discussion was all but impossible"" (2001, p. 26). It all changed after the Revolution of September 1868, which brought more openness to new ideas and the secularization of education.The situation in other Spanish-speaking countries was no different as regards the delay in the dissemination of Darwin's theory. Most of them were under a very strong Catholic influence and the idea of man descending from monkeys, as it was shallowly communicated, was as hard to swallow as when other visionaries had dared to say that the Earth was round or that the planets revolved around the Sun. Even today, almost 150 years after the publication of ""The Origin of Species"", the debate is no less controversial and very much alive when some conservative groups in certain parts of the United States aim at having the theory of evolution banished from the school curriculum to have the idea of intelligent design taught instead, as mentioned previously."" (Elisa Paoletti, Translations as Shapers of Image: Don Carlos Darwin and his Voyage into Spanish on H.M.S. Beagle. In: ""Érudit"", Volume 18, nr. 1, 2005, pp. 55-77). Freeman 771Blanco & Llorco 35‎

‎L'expression des émotions chez l'homme et les animaux.‎

‎Paris, C. Reinwald et Cie, 1874. In-8 de VI pp., 1 ff. (placement des planches), 404 pages et 23 pages in-fine de catalogue du libraire. Edition ornée de 21 gravures sur bois in-texte et 7 planches photographiées en hors-texte dont certaines déplantes. Première édition française parue deux ans après l'originale anglaise, traduite par Samuel Pozzi et René Benoit. Rousseurs éparses. Percaline verte d'éditeur, dos orné de roulettes dorées en tête et en pieds (Lenègre). Usures à la percaline aux coiffes sans manque et petite fente à un mors en tête.‎

6 Images

‎Charles Darwin, en 1872, fut lun des premiers à sintéresser aux phénomènes émotionnels en publiant, dans le prolongement de son analyse évolutionniste de lunivers vivant, un ouvrage intitulé LExpression des émotions chez lhomme et lanimal. La démarche de Darwin est motivée par une approche évolutionniste des expressions émotionnelles en termes de continuité entre les diverses espèces animales. Elle est fondée sur la question de la sélection des expressions émotionnelles au cours de lévolution et de leurs fonctions adaptatives à lenvironnement. Pour Darwin, les expressions émotionnelles de ladulte humain sont le reflet de la continuité de systèmes comportementaux complexes dérivés des autres espèces animales. Elles correspondraient à une sorte de comportement rudimentaire, résiduel dun système comportemental plus complexe qui se serait modifié au fil de lévolution. Les émotions auraient donc une qualité primitive adaptative liée tant au passé de notre espèce en termes dévolution, quà notre propre histoire personnelle . Les méthodes danalyse de Darwin sont, pour cette époque, tout à fait remarquables. Il utilise, notamment, la technique du questionnaire et lobservation directe des expressions émotionnelles de différentes espèces animales par le biais de photographies. A partir de lensemble du matériel recueilli, Darwin constituera une taxonomie des principales expressions émotionnelles en les associant à un système moteur ou biologique spécifique, et en y assignant lémotion correspondante. Ce sera la première classification des émotions déterminée par des configurations expressives faciales et corporelles spécifiques. ‎

‎Om Arternes Oprindelse ved Kvalitetsvalg eller ved de heldigst stillede Formers Sejr i Kampen for Tilværelsen. Efter Originalens femte Udgave oversat af J.P. Jacobsen. - [FIRST DANISH EDITION OF ""THE ORIGIN OF SPECIES"".]‎

‎Kjøbenhavn, Gyldendalske Boghandel (F. Hegel), 1872. 8vo. Bound in contemporary half calf with gilt lettering to spine. Spine rubbed. A few light brownspots throughout. Otherwise a fine and clean copy. (10), XIII, 605, (1) + 1 plate.‎

‎The Scarce first Danish edition (translated from the 5. edition) of Darwin's monumental ""On the Origin of Species"". ""In 1872 the book was translated into Danish by the young botanist J. P. Jacobsen. He was soon to become a celebrated novelist famous for Marie Grubbe - A Lady of the Seventeenth Century (1876) and Niels Lyhne (1880). In the early 1870's, however, he was still dedicated to science. In 1873 he received the University of Copenhagen's Gold Medal for his work on desmids, single-celled green freshwater algae. The Descent of Man was also translated by Jacobsen and appeared in 1874-75. ""In the early 1870s [With the Danish translation] the literary critic Georg Brandes started promoting Darwin's ideas as part of his liberal ideology and soon Darwinism became the mark of a new generation of intellectuals. Both the Steenstrup circle and the Brandes circle held Darwin in high esteem, but made completely different attributions to his theory. Consequently they both decided to raise money separately for the same Darwin. Darwin had borrowed the collection of barnacles from the Zoology Museum in Copenhagen with the help of Steenstrup. As a compliment Darwin sent him a signed copy of the Origin. Steenstrup acknowledged Darwin as an important fellow naturalist, but like many of his colleagues at the University of Copenhagen he never accepted evolutionary theory. The initial scientific reaction to Darwin's work on evolution by means of natural selection was respectful, but made few converts. memorial in 1882. Independently, Darwinism transformed as it became part of popular culture. ""(Kjærsgaard, Darwinism comes to Denmark)Freeman: 643. (PMM 344 - first edition)‎

‎Liv og Breve med et Kapitel Selvbiografi udgivne af hans Søn Francis Darwin. 3 vols. - [FIRST SCANDINAVIAN TRANSLATION]‎

‎Fagerstrand pr. Høvig, Bibliothek for de tusen hjem, (1889). 8vo. 3 vols in later printed full cloth. Bindings with light soiling and miscolouring to spines. All three volumes with ex-libris (Olga Siegfried Wagner). A fine set. (Frontispiece), 445, (1) pp. (Frontispiece), 456 pp." (Frontispiece), 488 pp.‎

‎The rare first Norwegian translation of Darwin's ""The life and letters of Charles Darwin, including an autobiographical chapter"" - being the first translation of any of Darwin's works into Norwegian (""Origin"" was translated into Norwegian in 1890).A complete Danish translation of the work has never been published and the first Swedish translation did not appear until 1959. Due to the similarities between Danish, Swedish and Norwegian, this edition in effect introduced Darwin's letters and autobiography to Scandinavia.Martin Simon Søraas is listed as translator on all three title-pages whereas Freeman lists Peder Jacobsen Ulleland as having translated vol. 1. and Martin Simon Søraas as having translated vol. 2 and 3. Ulleland is listed in Freeman as having translated vol. 1 because he initiated a translation but only finished volume 1. Sørensen (the publisher) quickly discovered that Ulleland did not have the required skills as a translator and Sørensen fired him. Eventually Søraas was hired and he translated all three volumes. Freeman 1528‎