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RUSCHA EDWARD (né en 1937)
Me and The
2002 Tampa, FL: Graphicstudio, U.S.F., 2002, 133x182x56mm, 576 pages non paginées, tranches dorées, relié sous couverture toilé bleu nuit.Signé et numéroté au colophon 136/230 +21 AP. (104213)
Reference : 104213
Un "Livre sculptural" signé par Ruscha, les mots "Me" et "The" imprimés sur la gouttière du bloc de texte qui apparaissent lorsque l'on courbe les feuilles d'abord dans un sens puis dans l'autre. Une feuille d'information de l'éditeur et jointe. État neuf.
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5 book(s) with the same title
Über das Zerplatzen des Urankernes durch langsame Neutronen (Offprint from ""Abhandlungen der Preussischen Akadamie der Wissenschaften""). - [THE FIRST OF THE FOUNDING PAPERS ON THE DISCOVERY OF NUCLEAR FISSION]
Berlin, Walter de Gruyter und Co., 1939. 4to (295 x 210 mm). In the original printed green wrappers. A little faded at edges, but otherwise a near perfect copy. Completely clean and fresh, also the title on the thin spine. Illustrated. 20 pp.
First edition, offprint issue, of the first of Hahn and Strassmann's seminal papers on nuclear fission which eventually lead to the creation of the atomic bomb. As a chemist, Hahn was initially reluctant to propose a revolutionary discovery in physics. Lise Meitner and her nephew, Otto Frisch, in Sweden, came to the same conclusion and were able to work out the basic mathematics of nuclear fission – a term that was coined by Frisch. ""The discovery of nuclear fission by Otto Hahn and Fritz Strassmann opened up a new era in human history. It seems to me that what makes the science behind this discovery so remarkable is that it was achieved by purely chemical means."" (Lise Meitner, 1963). At the end of the war Hahn was astonished to hear that he had won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry in 1944 and that nuclear bombs had been developed from his basic discovery. “In 1934 Fermi roused the world of radioactivity with his method of neutron bombardment and that same year reported on the possible production of transuranic elements by irradiating uranium with neutrons. The irradiation had led to radioactive substances with different half-lives such as 10s, 40s, 13min, and 90min. Fermi’s group had separated the 13-min and 90-min ‘bodies’ chemically from uranium and had shown that they were not isotopes of elements, which are located only a few places below uranium in the Periodic Table … they assumed that the uranium nucleus with the extra neutron transformed, via beta decay, into a nucleus of an element with the number 93 in the Periodic Table. That could still be unstable and transit, by another beta decay, into a nucleus of element 94.The idea of more than 92 elements was, of course, contested. Ida Noddack, a renowned chemist and co-discoverer of the element rhenium, pointed out that all known elements had to be excluded before new ones were proposed. This very sound advice was not taken. Nuclear physicists saw no possibility for a nucleus to fragment into large pieces. Nothing more drastic than alpha decay had ever been observed. Another way out was also proposed: in spite of Fermi’s interpretation, his 13-min body might be an isotope of protactinium, element number 91. Here Hahn and [Lisa] Meitner came in. After all, they were discoverers of protactinium and knew the properties of this element. They were able to show that the activity in question was not due to protactinium and became convinced that transuranic elements had been produced. They began intensive work in this new field, from 1935 onwards together with Strassmann … Quite a number of substances with different half-lives and different chemical properties were found in uranium irradiated with neutrons. A detailed scheme for their production was proposed, which implied the creation and subsequent decay of four, possibly five, transuranic elements. It was not seriously challenged by other groups working in the field. When Austria was annexed in 1938, Lise Meitner became a German citizen and, because of her Jewish descent, was in acute danger. Helped by Hahn and other colleagues, she fled via Holland and Denmark to Sweden, where she could work in the Physical Institute of the Academy of Sciences in Stockholm. Hahn and Strassmann continued alone. The decay products of the apparent transuranic elements seemed to contain three substances, which underwent beta decays of different half-lives and were chemically very similar to barium. They were taken to be isomeric nuclei of the isotope Ra231 of radium. Radium is an alkaline-earth metal as is barium and is located below barium in the second column of the Periodic Table, hence the similarity. Hahn and Strassmann tried to isolate the radium. Since only minute quantities could have been produced, a precipitation with barium as carrier from a solution was performed" the barium was to carry along the chemically similar radium. The precipitate then only contained barium and radium, which were to be separated in the next step. As mentioned above, Hahn was well versed in the method of separation, fractional crystallization, originally introduced by Marie Curie. But although they tried hard and checked and rechecked their method, Hahn and Strassmann were unable to separate any radium by chemical means. In their first paper they still conclude rather cautiously: ‘We come to the conclusion: Our ‘radium isotopes’ have the properties of barium as chemists we should rather say the new bodies are not radium but barium. [. . . ] As ‘nuclear chemists’, in a certain sense close to nuclear physics, we cannot yet decide ourselves to perform this step contradicting all previous experience of nuclear physics. A series of strange coincidences might still have faked our results.’ “Hahn had kept Meitner informed by letter about the work and he mailed her a copy of the manuscript of the paper on 21 December 1938, the same day it was submitted to Die Naturwissenschaften. The manuscript reached her in a small town near Gothenburg, where she had gone to visit Swedish friends over Christmas and where she had also invited her nephew Otto Frisch. We have already met him as collaborator of Stern in Hamburg. He, too, had been forced to leave Germany and at that time was working in Bohr’s institute in Copenhagen. Meitner showed him Hahn’s letter and the manuscript and dismissed the possibility of mistake: ‘Hahn was too good a chemist for that.’ The two began to look for an explanation. The nucleus could not just been cracked like a nut. In fact there was evidence that it behaved rather like a droplet. Now, a droplet might divide into two smaller ones by contracting in one direction, then elongating, and so on, until it finally would split up. The uranium nucleus might need little extra energy to do so, because its many protons provided a repulsive electrical force counteracting the attractive nuclear force between all nucleons, protons as well as neutrons. This extra energy could be provided by a single neutron. Meitner calculated that the energy of 200 MeV would be released in a single process, an energy equivalent to one-fifth of the rest mass of a proton. After a few days, Frisch returned to Copenhagen and told Bohr, who was enthusiastic: ‘Oh what idiots we have all been! Oh but this is wonderful! Have you and Lise Meitner written a paper about it?’ Frisch told him that there would soon be a paper and asked Bohr, who was about to travel to the United States to participate in a conference, not to discuss the matter before it would appear in print … this promise could not be kept and Bohr’s reports triggered intense activities which led to the first nuclear reactor in less than four years … “For the next few years, Hahn and Strassmann continued to identify radioactive isotopes produced in uranium fission. By spring of 1945, they had found a total of about 100 isotopes from 25 different elements … In 1945 Hahn was awarded the Nobel Prize in Chemistry for the year 1944 … In 1966 Meitner, Hahn, and Strassmann were the first non-US citizens to be given the Enrico-Fermi Award by the American president” (Harvest of a Century, pp. 264-7). Hahn, Meitner, and Strassmann were not engaged in nuclear-weapons research during World War II. Hahn later, as director of the Max-Planck-Gesellschaft (the postwar successor to the Kaiser Wilhelm Gesellschaft), he spoke vigorously against the misuse of atomic energy. Meitner—who many thought should have received the Nobel Prize with Hahn—continued to do nuclear research in Sweden and then England. Strassmann nurtured the study of nuclear chemistry in Mainz, Germany.Dibner 168 Norman 963 (PMM 422)
Om Begrebet Ironi med stadigt hensyn til Socrates. Af S. A. Kierkegaard. - [A TRULY SPLENDID, COMPLETELY FRESH COPY IN THE DAINTIEST OF THE GIFT-BINDINGS]
Kjøbenhavn, P.G. Philipsens Forlag, 1841. 8vo. (8), 350 pp. Gift binding of elaborately blindpatterned full cloth with single gilt line-border to boards and single gilt lines to spine. All edges gilt and printed on fine paper. The slightest touch of wear to corners and capitals, but apart from that a complete fresh, clean, bright and tight copy. It looks like it has hardly been opened and seems like it just came from the binder. No markings of any kind.
A truly splendid copy of the first edition of Kierkegaard's dissertation, being a completely fresh copy in the daintiest of the gift-bindings, presumably one of the two daintily bound copies that Kierkegaard had in his own collection (nr. 2110-11 in the auction catalogue). The copy is with the Thesis, and both the day and the time has been filled in by hand. Kierkegaard's dissertationconstitutes the culmination of three years’ intensive studies of Socrates and “the true point of departure for Kierkegaard’s authorship” (Brandes). The work is of the utmost importance in Kierkegaard’s production, not only as his first academic treatise, but also because he here introduces several themes that will be addressed in his later works. Among these we find the question of defining the subject of cognition and self-knowledge of the subject. The maxim of “know thyself” will be a constant throughout his oeuvre, as is the theory of knowledge acquisition that he deals with here. The dissertation is also noteworthy in referencing many of Hegel’s theses in a not negative context, something that Kierkegaard himself would later note with disappointment and characterize as an early, uncritical use of Hegel. Another noteworthy feature is the fact that the thesis is written in Danish, which was unheard of at the time. Kierkegaard felt that Danish was a more suitable language for the thesis and hadto petition the King to be granted permission to submit it in Danish rather than Latin. This in itself poses as certain irony, as the young Kierkegaard was known to express himself poorly and very long-winded in written Danish. One of Kierkegaard’s only true friends, his school friend H.P. Holst recounts (in 1869) how the two had a special school friendship and working relationship, in which Kierkegaard wrote Latin compositions for Holst, while Holst wrote Danish compositions for Kierkegaard, who “expressed himself in a hopelessly Latin Danish crawling with participial phrases and extraordinarily complicatedsentences” (Garff, p. 139). When Kierkegaard, in 1838, was ready to publish his famous piece on Hans Christian Andersen (see nr. 1 & 2 above), which was to appear in Heiberg’s journal Perseus, Heiberg had agreed to publish the piece, although he had some severe critical comments about the way and the form in which it was written – if it were to appear in Perseus, Heiberg demanded, at the very least, the young Kierkegaard would have to submit it in a reasonably readable Danish. “Kierkegaard therefore turned to his old schoolmate H. P. Holst and asked him to do something with the language…” (Garff, p. 139). From their school days, Holst was well aware of the problem with Kierkegaard’s Danish, and he recounts that over the summer, he actually “translated” Kierkegaard’s article on Andersen into proper Danish. The oral defense was conducted in Latin, however. The judges all agreed that the work submitted was both intelligent and noteworthy. But they were concerned about its style, which was found to be both tasteless, long-winded, and idiosyncratic. We already here witness Kierkegaard’s idiosyncratic approach to content and style that is so characteristic for all of his greatest works. Both stylistically and thematically, Kierkegaard’s and especially a clear precursor for his magnum opus Either-Or that is to be his next publication. In many ways, Either-Or is born directly out of The Concept of Irony and is the work that brings the theory of Irony to life. Part One of the dissertation concentrates on Socrates as interpreted by Xenophon, Plato, and Aristophanes, with a word on Hegel and Hegelian categories. Part Two is a more synoptic discussion of the concept of irony in Kierkegaard’s categories, with examples from other philosophers. The work constitutes Kierkegaard’s attempt at understanding the role of irony in disrupting society, and with Socrates understood through Kierkegaard, we witness a whole new way of interpreting the world before us. Wisdom is not necessarily fixed, and we ought to use Socratic ignorance to approach the world without the inherited bias of our cultures. With irony, we will be able to embrace the not knowing. We need to question the world knowing we may not find an answer. The moment we stop questioning and just accept the easy answers, we succumb to ignorance. We must use irony to laugh at ourselves in order to improve ourselves and to laugh at society in order to improve the world. The work was submitted to the Philosophical Faculty at the University of Copenhagen on June 3rd 1841. Kierkegaard had asked for his dissertation to be ready from the printer’s in ample time for him to defend it before the new semester commenced. This presumably because he had already planned his sojourn to Berlin to hear the master philosopher Schelling. On September 16th, the book was issued, and on September 29th, the defense would take place. The entire defense, including a two hour long lunch break, took seven hours, during which ”an unusually full auditorium” would listen to the official opponents F.C. Sibbern and P.O. Brøndsted as well as the seven “ex auditorio” opponents F.C. Petersen, J.L. Heiberg, P.C. Kierkegaard, Fr. Beck, F.P.J. Dahl, H .J.Thue og C.F. Christens, not to mention Kierkegaard himself. The work appeared in two states – one with the four pages of “Theses”, for academics of the university, whereas the copies without the theses were intended for ordinary sale. These sales copies also do not have “Udgivet for Magistergraden” and “theologisk Candidat” on the title-page. The first page of the theses always contains the day “XXIX” of September written in hand, and sometimes the time “hora X” is also written in hand, but not always. In all, 11 presentation-copies of the dissertation are known, and of these only one is signed (that for Holst), all the others merely state the title and name of the recipient. As is evident from the auction catalogue of his collection, Kierkegaard had a number of copies of his dissertation in his possession when he died. Five of them were bound, and two of them were “nit. M. Guldsnit” (i.e. daintily bound and with gilt edges). These two copies were obviously meant as presentation-copies that he then never gave away. The gift copies of the dissertation were given two types of bindings, both brownish cloth, one type patterned, the other one plain, and some of them have gilt edges, but most of the plain ones do not. There exist two copies on thick vellum paper – one being Kierkegaard’s own copy, the other being the copy for H.C. Ørsted, discoverer of electromagnetism and then principle of the University of Copenhagen. “As already implied, two works of the authorship stand out in the sense that Kierkegaard sent his presentation-copies to a special circle of people: The dissertation from 1841...” (Posselt, Textspejle, p. 91, translated from Danish). Most of the copies were given to former teachers and especially to people who, due to leading positions, personified the university. “For this circle of initiated we can now, due to registered copies, confirm that Kierkegaard gave copies with handwritten dedications to the headmaster of the University H.C. Ørsted (printed on thick paper), Kolderup-Rosenvinge and to J.L. Heiberg. It is granted that Sibbern, Madvig and F.C. Petersen were also given the dissertation as a gift,... but these copies are not known (yet).” (Posselt, Textspejle, pp. 93-94, translated fromDanish). (N.b. We have since handled the copy given to Petersen and can thus confirm that it exists). Only a few months after Kierkegaard died (11th of November 1855), at the beginning of April 1856, his books were put up for sale. The sale was an event which created stir among scholars all over Denmark, and the event drew large crowds. Everyone wanted a piece of the recently deceased legend, and bidding was lively. The average price for the single items was nearly a rix-dollar, a very high price for that time. As the old Herman Lynge wrote in a letter on the 22nd of May (The Royal Library, Recent Letters, D.), to the famous collector F.S. Bang, “At the sale of Dr. Søren Kierkegaard’s books everything went at very high prices, especially his own works, which brought 2 or 3 times the published prices”.” (Rohde Auction Catalogue, p. LVIJ). Many authors, philosophers, and scholars were present in the auction room, which was completely full, as was the Royal Library, who bought ca 80 lots. “Many of the books, not only his own, were paid for with much higher prices than in the book shops” (In Morgenposten no. 99, 30. April 1856, written by “P.”, translated from Danish). ""Some books were bought by libraries where they still are today, others were bought by private people, who sometimes wrote their names in the front of the books and thus, indirectly, stated that they came from Kierkegaard’s book collection… The edition (of the auction catalogue, 1967) registers all books from Kierkegaard’s book collection that it has hitherto been possible to identify – either in public or in private ownership… All in all, nearly a couple of hundred volumes – i.e. ca. 10 % – of the Kierkegaardian book collection is said to be rediscovered…"" (Rohde). Thus, today, books from Kierkegaard’s library are of the utmost scarcity. Only very few are still possible to acquire, and they hardly ever appear on the market. Himmelstrup 8
De dissectione partium corporis humani. - [ONE OF THE FINEST OF ALL ANATOMICAL TREATISES]
Paris, Simon de Colines, 1545. Folio. 17th century full mottled calf, neatly rebacked preserving the old spine. Title-page a bit dusty and strengthened at inner margin, on blank verso. A small closed tear to inner margin of 2nd leaf, no loss. Last leeaf with a repair to lower corner, no loss of text. Last three pages a bit dusty. A few repaired marginal tears, no loss. Light age yellowing and here and there some soiling and spotting (presumably due to medical use). All in all a good, well-margined copy. (24), 375, (1) pp. Printer's device to title-page, lovely woodcut initials, 62 full-page anatomical woodcuts, and ab. 100 sall medical illustrations to the text. With the 16t century autograph owner signature of Robert Westhawe to title-page and the manuscript ex libris of William Paschall (dated October 1646) to verso of last leaf. Wit Paschall's occasional marginalia.
The very rare first edition of one of the most important works in the history of medicine, being the first published work to include illustrations of the whole external venous, arterial, and nervous systems, and the most magnificent anatomical atlas of the sixteenth century, next to Vesalius' ""Fabrica"". Although the work was published two years after Vesalius', the anatomy itself is pre-Vesalian and antedates the ""Fabrica"" by some years in actual composition. ""This magnificent folio volume is one of the finest of all anatomical treatises."" (Heirs of Hippocrates). ""One of the finest woodcut books of the French Renaissance, in which science and art are ideally merged."" (Schreiber). It is down to coincidence and a complicated lawsuit that Vesalius's anatomy appeared before Estienne's and thus stole the thunder.Charles Estienne was a member of the famous family of printers (and scholars) bearing the same name. He received his medical degree from the University of Paris of 1542, but had been at work on this his anatomical magnum opus for many years. When Charles's father died in 1520, his mother married Simon de Colines, the famous printer, who also published the present work. It was in Colines's house that Charles Estienne found many of the valuable woodblocks that serve as basis for the magnificent illustrations in the ""De Dissectione"". The work is divided into three parts, the first two illustrated with full-page woodcuts, the third with smaller woodcut figures in the text. The first woodcut in the text is signed ""S.R."", presumably referring to Stephanus Riverus (Estienne de la Riviere), Charles Estienne's friend and co-producer of this magnificent work. Riviere, who was at the time surgeon, artist, and engraver, is supposed to have prepared the drawings for the anatomical details. Eight of the woodcuts are signed by Jean Jollat, a celebrated Parisian engraver. Several of the Jollat blocks bear the dates 1530, 1531, and 1532 and a cutter's signature that points to the workshop of the eminent artist and typographer Geofroy Tory. Most of the magnificent full-page figures have the anatomical portions on separate smaller wood-blocks inserted into the large one. These artistically drawn figures are also interesting in themselves. They are shown in unusual poses against unusual backgrounds. Some are depicted hooked up on trees, sprawling in great chairs, etc. Almost all of them are quite remarkable and many are morbid. They were seemingly all created around 1530 when the first woodcut is dated. Presumably they then came into the possession of Simon de Colines and Geofroy Troy, who was his favourite engraver, who may have wanted to use them for an anatomical atlas for artists. There may have been be several different reasons why Collines never used them, but still kept them in his printing house. In 1538 Charles Estienne, who was a surgeon, decided together with Estienne de la Riviere to prepare a new book of anatomy using the highly valuable, but hitherto discarded, blocks which lay in his stepfather's printing house. Some of them were used as they were, but most of them underwent the appropriate modifications by means of insets. Riviere presumably dissected a corpse to serve as a model for the skeleton figures, and may also have contributed the anatomical details for the insets. Anyway, in 1539, Riviere lodged a complaint before the Parliament against Charles Estienne's claiming of the author's right. This lawsuit delayed the publication of the work, two-thirds of which had already been printed, and only in 1541 could it be submitted to the Faculty of Medicine for approval. ""Had ""De dissectione"" been published in 1539, there is no question that it would have stolen much of the thunder from Vesalius' ""Fabrica..."". Despite its tardy appearance, however, ""De dissectione"" was able tomake numerous original contributions to anatomy, including the first published illustrations of the whole external and venous nervous systems, and descriptions of the morphology and purpose of the ""feeding holes"" of bones, the tripartite composition of the sternum, the valvulae in the hepatic veins and the scrotal septum. In addition, the work's eight dissections of the brain give more anatomical detail than had previously appeared"" (Norman).In the preface, Estienne tells that printing was interrupted in 1539 and complains of plagiarism during the six years that the work was delayed. ""The costly book was eventually published in 1545, followed in 1546 by the French edition. By that time, however, Vesalius had stolen the show... Herrlinger means that Vesalius profited from Estienne's illustrations after having encountered them during his stay in Paris from 1533 to 1536, when the majority of the woodcuts were already completed."" (Hagelin).No matter what, the quality of the plates is extraordinary, and combined with the text, the importance of this work in the history of medicine and art is overwhelming. Choulant describes the work of the engravers as ""particularly excellent"", and the text ""is particularly significant from the view point of the history of anatomic discoveries, since Estienne himself was a dissector and began his work long before Vesalius"" (Choulant).""Estienne's best department is, perhaps that of arthrology. He was the first to trace blood vessels into the substance of bone. He was the first to remark upon the valves of the veins. Most remarkable of his observations is that of the canal in the spinal cord."" (Singer).The present copy has a highly interesting provenance:ROBERT WESTHAW was an astrologer, prognosticator, author of almanacks, and quack doctor who flourished in the last quarter of the 16th century. His almanacks contained medical information apparently derived, in part at least, from the present volume.WILLIAM PASCHALL (1608-1670) was a pewterer in Bristol. His son, Thomas, emigrated to Philadelphia in 1684, and purchased land from William Penn. He became a prominent member of the Provincial Assembly and Common Council. The present volume may have come with his to the US. Stillwell: 626G&M: 378.Wellcome: 6076.Heirs of Hippocrates: 153.Hagelin, Rare and Important Medical Books in the Library of the Karolinska Institute. Pp. 26-31.Schreiber: 222Norman: 728.Choulant: pp. 152-55""First published work to include illustrations of the whole external venous and nervous systems."" (G&M).""Illustrated with 56 figures based upon Estienne's dissections and observations. Contains the first published illustrations presenting the venous, arterial, and nervous systems in their entirety. Five of the cuts bear the Lorraine cross, the mark of Geofroy Tory. Several of the figures are dated 1530, 1531, or 1532, and the cuts reveal that blocks showing a detail of a given area were in various instances superimposed upon a more simply drawn figure, the detail being nortised into the main cut. According to Mr. Albert E. Lownes's description of the copy in his collection, for instance, ""there are 62 full-page woodcuts, but six of them are repeated, so that there are only 56 different blocks. Thirty-eight of these have mortises with the anatomical details. Four of the blocks have two mortises."" By 1539 the work itself was completed to the middle of the last section. Although not printed until after Vesalius's ""Fabrica"", the writing of the present text antedated the latter's publication by some years."" (Stillwell). ""This magnificent folio volume is one of the finest of all anatomical treatises. Certainly it was the finest printed in France in its century, and the sixty-two full-page woodcuts, artistically presenting the anatomical subjects in special poses before unusual background settings, are unusually sumptuous and imaginative. The anatomy itself is pre-Vesalian..."" (Heirs of Hippocrates).""First edition of one of the great woodcut books of the French Renaissance and the most magnificent anatomical atlas of the sixteenth century next to Vesalius' ""Fabrica"". A French edition by the same printer followed in 1546, which has two additional full-page woodcuts... Although Estienne's anatomical atlas was published two years after the ""Fabrica"" of Vesalius, it antedates it in actual composition."" (Hagelin, p. 26).
Monica Brinzei, Irene Caiazzo, Christophe Grellard, Aurélien Robert (eds)
Reference : 70745
Radical Thinking in the Middle Ages: Acts of the XVth International Congress of the SIEPM, Paris, 22-26 August 2022
, Brepols, 2025 Hardback, Pages:2 vols, xxvi + 1177, Size:156 x 234 mm, Illustrations:1 b/w, 1 col., 3 tables b/w., Languages: English, French, Italian. ISBN 9782503613543.
Summary These volumes present a selection of papers delivered in Paris at the XV International Congress of the Société Internationale pour l'Étude de la Philosophie Médiévale, August 22-26, 2022. The appearance of the term radix positionis in medieval debates inspired the contributors to investigate whether there was something that could be considered radical thought in the Middle Ages and, if so, what the roots of this radical thought were in the different philosophical traditions in various geographical, cultural, religious, and linguistic contexts (Arabic, Greek, Hebrew, Latin). Medieval philosophy often engaged in a quest for origins, but it could also be radical in its methodology or in its attitude when it refused any compromise on its principles or basic concepts, be they innovative or rediscovered. Radicalism could be conceived as extremism in pushing a hypothesis, procedure, or line of inquiry to its limits, leading to extreme positions. Radical thought could mean being intellectually inflexible on principles, obstinate in embracing theses that broke from tradition, progressive but also extremist. The contributions in these volumes thus analyse case-studies of doctrinal conflict, dogmatic struggle, and condemnation by religious or academic institutions, presenting examples of both intellectual courage and philosophical intransigence. TABLE OF CONTENTS VOLUME I Monica Brinzei, Irene Caiazzo, Christophe Grellard, Aurélien Robert, Introduction Part I: Plenary Sessions Alain de Libera, Radicalité, annulation, oubli Sarah Stroumsa, The Search for Jewish Andalusian Freethinking Michele Trizio, Three Radical Philosophers in the Greek Middle Ages Emma Gannagé, How Does Opium Chill? A Radical Response to Avicenna on Natural Properties Virpi Mäkinen, The Radicalism of Franciscan Poverty and Its Legacy to the Subsistence Rights Kantik Ghosh, Radical Certitude or Radical Perplexity? Ecclesiology, Hermeneutics, and Conscience in Later Medieval England SIEPM Lifetime Achievement Reward 2022: Sten Ebbesen, My Radicals Part II: Ordinary and Special Sessions 1. From Late Antiquity to Early Middle Ages Rosabel Ansari, La métaphysique éléatique et son explication psychologique dans la philosophie d'Al-Farabi Laura Busetto, Les limites de la dialectique dans le Periphyseon d'Erigène Luiz Marcos Da Silva Filho, Philosophy Without Subject in Augustine? Dialogue with Alain de Libera Renato de Filippis, Boethius and the Opuscula Sacra: A Radical Theological Thinking? Terence J. Kleven, Alfarabi's Several Introductions to the Organon: Sorting out the Significance of the Manuscript Traditions of Istanbul, Tehran, and Diyarbak?r Luka Kuchukhidze, Determinism, Future Contingents and Divine Foreknowledge in Boethius's II Commentary on De interpretatione 2. The Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries David Albertson, Immanence as Exile: Hadewijch as Philosopher of Finitude Tadeusz Barto?, Person as a Relation: Thomas Aquinas' Theory of God Paola Bernardini, The Notion of Forma Hominis in Albert the Great's De quindecim problematibus Irene Caiazzo, L'hérésie amauricienne et sa postérité ou des bienfaits des condamnations Antoine Calvet, L'alchimie, image ou contre image d'une pensée radicale Rodrigo Camargo, Les racines de la pensée juridique de Thomas d'Aquin Elisa Chiti, Nunc cecidit haec anima de amore in nichilum: La radicalità dell'irruzione del nulla in Margherita Porete e Bonaventura Valérie Cordonier, Qu'est-ce qu'une lecture radicale d'Aristote? La réception du Liber de bona fortuna (13e-16e siècles) Mateus Domingues Da Silva, Platon et l'ontologisation des intelligibles d'après la ?ikmat al-i?r?q de Suhraward? Francesco de Benedittis, Defining the Subject Matter of Theology: The Concept of Radicality in John Pecham's Principium to the Commentary on the Sentences Carlos Arthur R. Do Nascimento, L'arbre de la philosophie Anselmo Tadeu Ferreira, Interpretations of Thomas Aquinas's Theory on the Soul Albert D. Friedberg, Maimonides on Scriptural Anthropomorphism: It is what it is Roberto Gatti, In Search of Last, Radical Averroes. Ibn Rushd's Noetics Interpreted by His Jewish Commentator, Gersonides Ann Giletti, How Radical is Radical? Heterodoxy and the Paris Radical Aristotelians Guy Guldentops, Deradicalizing Christian Ethics: Bonaventure, Richard of Mediavilla, and Duns Scotus on the Imperative 'Love thy Enemies' Andrey Ivanov, Vis cogitativa and Ars facing Thomas Aquinas Pedro Konzen Capra, The Wall of Separation Between the Deliberative and the Scientific Part of the Soul - Thomas Aquinas on Passage 1139a11-15 of Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics Roberto Lambertini, Bacone e il Secretum Secretorum come specchio per i principi: Alcune note Daniel J. Lasker, Were There any Karaite Radical Thinkers? Julien le Mauff, La communitas perfecta chez les lecteurs d'Aristote: aux racines de la pensée civique et de l'exclusion David Lemler, The Radicality of Religious Dogmatism: Medieval Jewish Philosophers and the Principles of Judaism Isabel Léon-Sanz, La teoría bonaventuriana de la iluminación y el fundamento radical del conocimiento intelectual Celina A. Lértora Mendoza, Roger Bacon y el giro lingüístico de la exégesis bíblica Darlan Lorenzetti, For A Genealogy of Temporal Power: The Aristotelian and Augustinian Influence on Thomas Aquinas' Theory of the State Fiorella Magnano, The Role of the Communes animae conceptiones in Boethius and Albert the Great Stephen Metzger, Aristotelian Virtue and Apostolic Poverty in the Polemical Debate: Between Thomas of York, OFM, and Gerard of Abbeville Ritva Palmén, The Wandering Mind and Curiosity in Twelfth Century Philosophical Theology Anna Rodolfi, Maître Albert polémiste. Acceptions de la radicalité dans la pensée d'Albert le Grand Jens Ole Schmitt, Ibn Ab? l-Ash?ath's Treatise on Sleeping and Wakefulness Napoleão Schoeller de Azevedo Júnior, From Intellect to Passions: An Analysis of How the Apprehension Through the Vis Cogitativa is Influenced by the Intellect Chiara Carmen Scordari, Radicalizing Prophetical Anthropology and Messianism: Maimonides under the Lens of Joseph Soloveitchik Sita Steckel, Signs of Radicalization. Conflict Escalation and the Fragmentation of Socio-Epistemic Consensus in the Polemics of William of Saint-Amour Taki Suto, The Best Life and the Radicality in John of Dinsdale's Ethics Commentary Andrew G. Traver, Nicholas of Lisieux's De perfectione et excellentia status clericorum Cody C. Warta, Departing from the Philosopher: Thomas Aquinas on the Nature of Topos VOLUME II 3. The Fourteenth Century Alexandra Baneu, Narcissus Pfister on Eternity of God and of the World and his Radical Manner of Taking Notes Charles Bolyard, Knowledge, Epistemic Regress, and the Ultima Visio in Ockham's Quodlibets Niccolò Bonetti, Salvare Averroè? Il problema della conoscenza divina in John Baconthorpe Monica Brinzei, Perfectio radicalis in John Hiltalingen of Basel's Principium I (Paris 1367-1368) Nathaniel Bulthuis, Truth-Bearing and Objective Being: Walter Burley on the Consequence, 'Some Proposition is False, Therefore its Contradictory is True' Richard Cross, The Radical Franciscan Christology of William of Rubio Ernesto Dezza, OFM, The Impeded Will: The Effects of Hellfire on the Damned According to John Duns Scotus Robert J. Dobie, Meister Eckhart: A Radical Thinker? Davide Falessi, Guillaume d'Occam sur la continuité et la toute-puissance divine Francesco Fiorentino, Social Peace, Private Property, and Free Agreement According to John Duns Scotus Christophe Grellard, Ut dormientes a somno excitaret. Retour sur la condamnation de Nicolas d'Autrécourt Vesa Hirvonen, Was Jean Gerson's Interest in Children Radical? Vlad Ile, Worcester Cathedral Library ms. F. 73 ff. 3-21 in the Light of a Radical Catalogue Description Martin Klein, Medieval Lived Experience Roberto Limonta, Il segno radicale: la semiotica del calligramma in Opicino de Canistris Mihai Maga, Withstanding a Radical Event: Etienne Gaudet's Note Against Marsilius of Padua Andrea Nannini, Metafisica dell'univocità e dell'analogia tra Giovanni Duns Scoto e Giovanni da Ripa Madalina G. Pantea, Variation on the Same Question in John of Mirecourt's Sentences (Ms. Salamanca, BU, 1863) Ana Rieger Schmidt, Christine de Pizan on Wisdom and Kingship Marcus Paulo Rycembel Boeira, Deontic Logic in the 14th Century: Normative Operators and Conditional Modalities Between William of Ockham and Roger Roseth Amalia Salvestrini, Radicalité de la recherche. Inspirations rhétoriques autour de la beauté chez Nicolas d'Autrécourt Marcella Serafini, La dialectique de la volonté et la possibilité du mal. Duns Scot entre Augustine et Abélard Giacomo Signore, Radical Philology. Rewriting the Transmission History of the Fifteenth-Century Codex Basel, UB, A VIII 9 Emanuele Sorichetti, Radicaliter e formaliter. Essenza e attributi divini nella teologia trinitaria di Giovanni Duns Scoto 4. Early Modern Period Claus A. Andersen, Radical Scotism: The Error Wiclefi in the Long Scotist Tradition Jean Christian Egoavil, The Philosophical Projection of Medieval Scholasticism in the American Territories Throughout the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries Matteo Esu, Radix Morbi. A Short Note on Anti-Contagion Measures and Resource Allocation in John Mair Roberto Hofmeister Pich, Philosophy of Nature and the Principles of Natural Being: Characterizing (OLD) New Traditions in Latin American Scholasticism Isabelle Mandrella, Blumenberg et la pensée radicale (Ursprünglichkeit) de l'Ontologie Médiévale Rogério Tadeu Mesquita Marques, Liberdades nas Américas a partir do Ius gentium de Francisco de Vitoria Silvia Negri, Radical Humility? Girolamo Savonarola's Trattato dell'umiltà Olaf Pluta, Pura ratione naturali dictante ponendum est: Radical Philosophical Thinking in the Late Middle Ages Aurélien Robert, Galeotto Marzio da Narni's Radical Ethics József Simon, Radical Atheism and Scholastic Rational Theology in Christian Francken's Disputatio (ca. 1590) Indexes Index of Manuscripts Index of Names
Role of the Senses in Medieval Liturgies, Rituals, and Devotional Practices
, Brepols, 2026 Hardback, Pages: 488, Size:178 x 254 mm, Illustrations:17 b/w, 104 col., Language: English. ISBN 9782503623412.
Summary During the Middle Ages, rituals d shaped the daily life of the faithful, from the Divine Office and the Mass to individual devotional practices such as the reading of the Hours. They accompanied the lives of people from their birth to their last breath. These ceremonies aimed at engaging the devotees by stimulating their senses and triggering emotional and spiritual responses. This book aims to approach these practices from the lens of sensory studies, by giving the spotlight to the sensoria (i.e. the diverse sensory systems that existed in the Middle Ages) and the experiences of the faithful. In so doing, it aims to show that the experience of the sacred was not homogeneous and static. On the contrary, it was a multimodal and multisensorial activity, one that bore complex and overlapping layers of meaning, and was perceived in different ways by the diverse groups and individuals involved. TABLE OF CONTENTS Zuleika Murat, Valentina Baradel, Sara Carreño, Introduction: Sensing the Sacred in the High and Late Middle Ages Holly Flora, Meditation, Ritual, and the Senses in the Paris Meditationes Vitae Christi Martina Bordone, Through Body or Eye: Experiencing Devotional Books in Late Medieval Italy Vittorio Frighetto, Protect and Survive: The Pursuit of Salvation and the Role of the Body in Fifteenth-Century Flemish Prayer Books Dr Leah R. Clark, Sensorial Practices and Transcultural Objects in the Collections of Eleonora d'Aragona, Duchess of Ferrara Ariana Mae Sider, Materiality, Sensory Experience, and the Sacraments in Late Medieval Toursnais Wills Francesc Massip and Alba Knijf, With the Five Senses: Spectacular Devices for Engaging the Audience in the Middle Ages Carla M. Bino, Moving Movements: Animated Crucifixes and the Faithful in Fourteenth-Century Central Italy Sara Carreño, Space, Movement, and the Senses: Religious Plays at the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela in the Fifteenth Century Valentina Baradel, Sensing the Miracle, Experiencing the Resurrection: Embodied Devotional Practices at the Shrine of St Lazarus, Autun David Merlin, Sounding Liturgy: The Aural Dimension of Medieval Worship Frederick S. Paxton, Engaging the Senses in the Death Ritual at Cluny Florence Chave?Mahir, Exorcism in the Middle Ages: A Performance for All Senses Ninon Dubourg, The 'Blind', the 'Deaf', and the 'Dumb': Liturgical Practice and Sensory Impairment in the Late Middle Ages Marta Simões and Joana Antunes, Fasting the Senses: Lent and Holy Week in Portuguese Medieval Churches Zuleika Murat, Embodied Piety: Sensory Education and Childhood Devotion in Medieval Europe Hólmfríður Sveinsdóttir, Sensory Affordances of Objects: Amulets and the Medieval Sensorium Serena Franzon, Praying with the Senses: Sensory Engagement in Relation to Medieval Devotional Jewellery Micol Long, An Intimate Touch: The Religious Significance of Combs Beyond Liturgical Use (tenth-fifteenth c.) Katalin Suba, The Crucifixion Scene on the Hungarian Coronation Mantle and Its Liturgical Allusions Elliott Wise, Epiphanies of Flesh and Light: Framing the Elevation of the Eucharist with the Chasuble of the Golden Fleece Index
