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Pater, Walter
The Renaissance
MacMillan and Co, Limited, London, 1912. In-8, reliure pleine toile éditeur bleue, dos lisse avec titre et ornements dorés, xv-238 pp. Preface, 1873 - Contents : Two Early French Stories. - Pico Della Mirandola. - Sandro Botticelli. - Luca della Robbia. - The Poetry of Michelangelo. - Leonardo Da Vinci. - The School of Giorgione. - Joachim Du Bellay - Winckelmann ...
Reference : 4014
Avec un frontispice sous serpente.Ex-libris de "La Bibliothèque de Louis Becker" collé au revers du plat.Une mention manuscrite en page de garde : "A Souvenir XXV/XII/1912. --- Plus d'informations sur le site archivesdunord.com
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5 book(s) with the same title
Antwerp in the Renaissance
, Brepols - Harvey Miller, 2020 Hardcover, 315 pages ., 19 b/w ill. + 49 colour ill., 4 b/w tables, 178 x 254 mm,. ISBN 9782503588339.
Antwerp in the Renaissance offers new research results and fresh perspectives on the economic, cultural, and social history of the Antwerp metropolis in the sixteenth century. This book engages with Antwerp in the Renaissance. Bringing together several specialists of sixteenth-century Antwerp, it offers new research results and fresh perspectives on the economic, cultural and social history of the metropolis in the sixteenth century. Recurrent themes are the creative ways in which the Italian renaissance was translated in the Antwerp context. Imperfect imitation often resulted from the specific social context in which the renaissance was translated: Antwerp was a metropolis marked by a strong commercial ideology, a high level affluence and social inequality, but also by the presence of large and strong middling layers, which contributed to the city?s ?bourgeois? character. The growth of the Antwerp market was remarkable: in no time the city gained metropolitan status. This book does a good job in showing how quite a few of the Antwerp ?achievements? did result from the absence of ?existing structures? and ?examples?. Moreover, the city and its culture were given shape by the many frictions, and uncertainties that came along with rapid urban growth and religious turmoil. Bruno Blond and Jeroen Puttevils are colleagues at the Centre for Urban History at the University of Antwerp. The research fields of Blond include the history of transportation, economic growth and social inequality, material culture, retail and consumption of the early modern Low Countries. Puttevils works on the late medieval Low Countries and deals with topics such as mercantile and financial culture, the history of lotteries and how people thought about the future in the past. Table of Contents Antwerp in the Renaissance Bruno Blond and Jeroen Puttevils Sixteenth-Century Antwerp, a Hyper-Market for All? The Case of Low Countries Merchants Jeroen Puttevils Antwerp Commercial Law in the Sixteenth Century: A Product of the Renaissance? The Legal Facilitating, Appropriating and Improving of Mercantile Practices Dave De Ruysscher Brotherhood of Artisans. The Disappearance of Confraternal Friendship and the Ideal of Equality in the Long Sixteenth CenturyBruno Blond and Jeroen Puttevils Sixteenth-Century Antwerp, a Hyper-Market for All? The Case of Low Countries Merchants Jeroen Puttevils Antwerp Commercial Law in the Sixteenth Century: A Product of the Renaissance? The Legal Facilitating, Appropriating and Improving of Mercantile Practices Dave De Ruysscher Brotherhood of Artisans. The Disappearance of Confraternal Friendship and the Ideal of Equality in the Long Sixteenth Century Bert De Munck ?And Thus the Brethren Shall Meet All Together?. Active Participation in Antwerp Confraternities, c. 1375?1650 Hadewijch Masure A Renaissance Republic? Antwerp?s urban militia, ?the military Renaissance? and structural changes in warfare, c. 1566?c. 1621 Erik Swart A Counterfeit Community. Rederijkers, Festive Culture and Print in Renaissance Antwerp Anne-Laure Van Bruaene Literary Renaissance in Sixteenth-Century Antwerp? Herman Pleij Building the Metropolis Krista De Jonge, Piet Lombaerde, and Petra Maclot The City Portrayed. Patterns of Continuity and Change in the Antwerp Renaissance City View Jelle De Rock Trial and error. Antwerp Renaissance art Koenraad Jonckheere Silks and the ?Golden Age? of Antwerp
Libri Paraphraseos. In Posteriora Aristotelis. In Physica. In libros de Anima. In commentarios de Memoria & Reminiscentia. De Somno & Vigilia. De Insomniis. De Diuinatione per Somnum. Interprete Hermolao Barbaro... - [A KEY PUBLICATION OF THE RENAISSANCE]
[On the final colophon:] Venice, Bartholomeus de de Zanis for Octavianus Scotus, 1499. [at the end of first leaf and of each section: Vale. Venetiis. 1480, except for the second last (de Insoniis, which says: Vale. Venetiis. 1478). Small folio. Nice, elegant late 18th century half calf. Binding with a few traces of wear. A very nice, clean, and fresh copy with just a bit of light dampstaining to upper margin of about 20 leaves. Numerous pretty, woodcut initials throughout. Woodcut printer's devise to colophon. Last leaves with tiny, barely noticeable wormhole. Contemporary handwritten inscription to title-page: ""Ex libris advocati Dunis = 1480"". (1), 115 ff. (pagination erroneous at end: 113, 116, 114). Without final blank.
The very rare second printing of Ermolao Barbaro's seminal Latin translation of Themistios' paraphrases of Aristotle's ""Posterior Analytics"", ""Physics"", ""De Anima"", ""On Memory"", and ""On Dreams"", a groundbreaking key text of the Renaissance, ""which opened a new period in the interpretation of the Greek philosopher [i.e. Aristotle]"" (Lohr, p. 25). The work was partly responsible for the development of Renaissance Aristotelianism and thus Renaissance thought in general. The combination of the fact that we here have the paraphrases by one of the greatest ancient Greek commentators of the key texts of the most significant philosopher of all times, rendered into Latin by perhaps the most significant translator of the period and printed at the most crucial time for the development of early modern thought, makes this one of the most significant philosophical publications of the Renaissance. There can be no doubt as to the influence that the present publication came to have on the development Renaissance philosophy. ""The publication of Barbaro's translation of Themistius inaugurated a new period in the study of Aristotelian philosophy. In his version of Themistius' ""Paraphrases"" we encounter not simply a translation occasioned by contemporary controversies, as was often the case in the Middle Ages. Rather, Barbaro's version brings together a corpus of the commentaries of Themistius on Aristotelian philosophy: the ""Posterior Analytis"", ""Physics"", ""De anima"" and ""Parva naturalia"". (Lohr, p. 26).The first printing of the work appeared in 1480 (the same year stated at the end of each section in the present edition), and in 1499 this second printing appeared. Both printings are of the utmost scarcity and almost impossible to find. After these two incunable-editions, at least 9 new printings appeared before 1560, bearing witness to the great impact of the text, and in 1570 Hieronymus Scotos printed a new edition. ""With reference to those works of Aristotle which were and remained the center of instruction in logic and natural philosophy [i.e. The Posterior Analytics, Physics, etc.], the most important changes derived from the fact that the works of the ancient Greek commentators became completely available in Latin between the late fifteenth and the end of the sixteenth centuries and were more and more used to balance the interpretations of the medieval Arabic and Latin commentators. The Middle ages had known their works only in a very limited selection or through quotations in Averroes. Ermolao Barbaro's complete translation of Themistius and Girolamo Donato's version of Alexander's ""De Anima"" were among the most important ones in a long line of others. When modern historians speak of Alexandrism as a current within Renaissance Aristotelianism that was opposed to Averroism, they are justified in part by the fact that the Greek commentators, that is, Alexander and also Themistius, Simplicius, and many others, were increasingly drawn upon for the exposition of Aristotle."" (Kristeller, p. 45).""Equally important [as the recovery of Aristotle's ""Mechanics"" and ""Poetics""] for the continued growth of the Peripatetic synthesis was the recovery and diffusion of the Greek commentaries on Aristotle... The most important of the two dozen commentators were Alexander of Aphrodisias, Ammonius, Simplicius, Themistius, and John Philoponus. Of these five, only Alexander and Themistius were Aristotelians..."" (Copenhaver & Schmitt, p.68).Already in the Middle Ages, scholars had been aware of and used commentaries on and paraphrases of the key texts of Aristotle, but their knowledge of this was primarily based on some Latin translations and allusions, fragments, and summaries in the writings of the Muslim philosophers, e.g. Averroes. But with the emergence and translations into Latin of the ancient Greek commentators [Alexander and Themistios being the primary ones] and their paraphrases of Aristotle's texts, the Renaissance came to discover an Aristotle that would influence almost all thought of the period. The ancient Greek commentators not only had a much more thorough knowledge of classical Greek thought than would have been possible for a medieval writer, but they also had access to works that were later lost and through these ancient commentators rediscovered in the Renaissance. By the middle of the 16th century, almost all of these texts had been printed in both Greek and Latin, and these publications were of the utmost importance to the development of almost all Renaissance thought. ""Their recovery, publication, and translation took some time, but almost all circulated in Greek and Latin by the 1530'ies. They do not cover all of Aristotle, but several treat such key texts as the ""Organon"", the ""Physics"", and ""De anima"", thus making them useful ammunition in such controversies as the immortality dispute provoked by Pietro Pomponazzi and his colleagues."" (Copenhaver & Schmitt, p. 69).Among the most important texts in this tradition that influenced all thought of the era, were Themistios' paraphrases of Aristotle's seminal texts, in particular ""De Anima"", ""Posterior Analytics"", and Book Lambda (XII) of the ""Metaphysics"". ""We possess part of his [Themistios'] early work, his ""Paraphrases of Aristotle"", the portion still extant being a somewhat prolix exposition of the ""Later Analytics"", the ""Physics"", the ""De Anima"", and some minor treatises."" His paraphrase of the ""Metaphysics"", Book ""lambda"" [i.e. XII], was translated into Arabic (in century IX), and hence into Hebrew (1255), and Latin (1576)."" (Sandys, I:352).There can be no doubt about the groundbreaking character of Hermolao Barbaro's translation into Latin of almost all of Themistios' paraphrases of Aristotelian texts. Not only was Themistios considered one of the most important renderers of Aristotle's text, but Barbaro was perhaps the most influential translator of the time. His translation of Themistios' paraphrases came to dominate, directly or indirectly, almost all Aristotelian thought of the high Renaissance (from late 15th century) and he was responsible for many of the most important and influential positions on the seminal question of the immortality of the soul that dominated philosophical thought at the time. ""Through the first two-thirds of the fifteenth century, Pomponazzi's predecessors at Padua seem not to have used the ancient commentators, but philosophers of the next generation - most notably Nicoletto Vernia and Agosto Nifo - began to consult them in new translations by Ermolao Barbaro and others. Barbaro's charge that Averroes had lifted his doctrines of the soul from the commentators surely helped excite interest in them."" (Copenhaver & Schmitt p. 69). See: Kristeller, Renaissance Thought and its Sources, 1979" Copenhaver & Schmitt, Renaissance Philosophy, 1992" Charles C. Lohr, ""Latin Translations of the Greek Commentaries on Aristotle"", in: Humanism and Early Modern Philosophy, Edt. byKraye and Stone, 2000.Graesse VII:112 (erroneously stating 1491 in stead of 1499)" Brunet V:778 Hain-Copinger: 15464.
Renaissance. Histoire de France au seizième siècle. - [INVENTING THE ""RENAISSANCE""]
Paris, 1855. 8vo. Very nice contemporary diced half calf with gilt spine. Cracks to upper and lower hinges, and inner front hinge weak, but overall a very nice copy. A bit of brwning and soiling to first and last leaves and dampstaining to inner margin of first ab. 20 leaves. (10), CLX, 334 pp
First edition of this seminal work - the third in Michelet's series of ""The History of France"" - in which he coins the term ""Renaissance"" and uses it for the period of the sixteenth century as an historical period in its own right.The humanists of the period that we now call the Renaissance had a strong sense of being and doing something that was very different from that of the centuries before them"" they clearly thought of themselves as living in and creating a new epoch, re-inventing and re-using the classical Greek and Roman values. Once again they gave birth to the humanistic arts, literature, philosophy, painting, sculpting, etc. It is not a new invention of later times to view this historical epoch as something new and still something different, something worthy of the term ""Re-birth"", acknowledging both the source from which inspiration was drawn as well as the achievements of the new era.Thus, Michelet is not the first to understand what went on in this period, but still he changed our concept of it for ever - he invented the term which has not only determined this perioed ever since, but which has also been used to explain and understand all that went on in this most crucial period for modern man. It is in the present work by Michelet that he uses for the first time the noun ""Renaissance"" for this epoch and lets it refer to the discovery of world and of man in the 16th century. He not only lets the term refer to the artistic or scholarly part of the period, he lets it refer to the entire complex of changes that were taking place in this period, and he thus gives birth to the period as that of the mind and spirit of man, instead of just that of painting and learning. Michelet's work appeared at a time that allowed for it to exercise the greatest of influence. From the end of the 16th century until the middle of the 18th century, the history of the Renaissance was a field that barely existed. Only with Voltaire was some focus put on this period that we ever since Michelet have called the ""Renaissance"". Only with Michelet are we given the vocabulary to sum up this period and to describe it properly and in detail. When he publishes his work in 1855, historians and thinkers are ready to view this period as something in itself and as something worth noticing. That which Michelet thus began is that which Burchardt takes up in his ""Cultur der Renaissance in Italien"" (1860), in which ""Renaissance"" is finally characterized as the birth of modern humanity. Both Michelet and Burckhardt believed that modern, secular man is a product of the ""Renaissance"".""The terms ""restauratio"" or ""resttitutio"" had been applied by fourteenth-century Italian humanists to the revival of ancient languages and literatures, that of ""rinascita"" by Ghiberti and Vasari to the new blossoming art and architecture. In the eighteenth century Voltaire and Gibbon first saw the Italian civilization of the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries as an entity and as a determining factor in the whole course of European history. Michelet (324) in 1855 first used the term ""renaissance"" for this period as an historical epoch in its own right. Burckhardt, an admirer of both Voltaire and Gibbon, supplied the final synthesis."" (Printing and the Mind of Man, p. 211)
The Gates of Paradise from the Renaissance Workshop of lorenzo Ghiberti to the Modern Restoration Studio.
Florence, Giunti, 2012. In-4 br., couverture rempliée, 221 pp., très nbses ill. coul. in et h-t., bibliogr., texte en anglais.
Très bonne cond. - Frais de port : -France 4,95 € -U.E. 9 € -Monde (z B : 15 €) (z C : 25 €)
Pyrrhoniarum hypotyposeon libri III, Quibus in tres philosophiae partes feuerissime inquiritur. Libri magno ingenii acumine, variaque doctrina referti: Graecè nunquam, Latinè nunc primum editi, Interprete Henrico Stephano. - [INAUGURATING THE SCEPTICAL REVOLUTION OF THE RENAISSANCE]
(Geneva), Henricus Stephanus (Estienne), H. Fugger (typogr.) 1562. 8vo. Near contemporary full calf with richly gilt spine. All edges of boards gilt. Wear to extremities and hinges, but overall tight and fine. Old owner's name to title-page and a stamp to blank margin (""Teres etque Rotundus"")). A few early underlinings. Two leaves with a damp stain, otherwise unusually nice and clean. Title-page slightly soiled. Woodcut printer's device to title-page and woodcut initials. 288 pp.
The very rare hugely influential first edition of one of the single most important printings in the history of Western thought, namely the very first appearance in print of any of Sextus Empiricus' works, his great ""Hypotyposes"". This seminal printing inaugurated a new era in the history of Western thought. Together with the second edition of the work (by Hervet, 1569, with which the ""Adversos Mathematicos"" also appeared), the first appearance of Sextus Empiricus' work profoundly influenced the thought of Bruno, Montaigne, Descartes, as well as many other pivotal thinkers of the modern era, and caused Sextus to be viewed as ""the father of modern philosophy"".""The printing of Sextus in the 1560s opened a new era in the history of scepticism, which had begun in the late fourth century BCE with the teachings of Pyrrho of Elis. [...] Before the Estienne and Hervet editions, Sextus seems to have had only two serious students, Gianfrancesco Pico at the turn of the century and Francesco Robortello about fifty years later."" (Copenhaver & Schmitt, pp. 240-41). Apart from being of seminal importance to the development of modern thought, the work is of the utmost scarcity and constitutes one of the rarest of all Estienne books. ""The first printed edition was by Henri Estienne (Stephanus) in 1562 of Sextus' ""Hypotyposes"". A second printed Latin edition of the ""Hypotyposes"" plus ""Adversus Mathematicos"" appeared in 1569. The text of the ""Hypotyposes is that of Estienne, the translation of ""Adversus Methematicos"" was done by French counter-reformer and theologian, Gentian Hervet... The Greek text was not published until 1621 by the Chouet brothers."" (Popkin, p. 18).Having been almost completely neglected throughout the entire Middle Ages and the early Renaissance, the first printing of Sextus' work in 1562 is almost solely responsible for the inauguration of a new skeptical era that came to profoundly influence almost all thinking of the centuries to follow. ""As the only Greek Pyrrhonian sceptic whose works survived, he came to have a dramatic role in the formation of modern thought. The historical accident of the rediscovery of his works at precisely the moment when the skeptical problem of the criterion had been raised gave the ideas of Sextus a sudden and greater prominence than they had ever before or were ever to have again. Thus, Sextus, a recently discovered oddity, metamorphosed into ""le divin Sexte"", who, by the end of the seventeenth century, was regarded as the father of modern philosophy. Moreover, in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the effect of his thoughts upon the problem of the criterion stimulated a quest for certainty that gave rise to the new rationalism of René Descartes and the ""constructive skepticism"" of Pierre Gassendi and Martin Mersenne."" (Popkin, p. 18).The discovery and dissemination of these foundational texts was nothing less than a epiphany. Scepticism was immediately absorbed into Renaissance thinking and quickly became a dominant strand of thought. ""The revival of ancient philosophy was particularly dramatic in the case of scepticism. This critical and anti-dogmatic way of thinking was quite important in Antiquity, but in the Middle Ages its influence faded [...] when the works of Sextus and Diogenes were recovered and read alongside texts as familiar as Cicero's ""Academia"", a new energy stirred in philosophy"" by Montaigne's time, scepticism was powerful enough to become a major force in the Renaissance heritage prepared for Descartes and his successors."" (Copenhaver & Schmitt, pp. 17-18). ""No discovery of the Renaissance remains livelier in modern philosophy than scepticism"". (Copenhaver & Schmitt, p. 338). ""The revived skepticism of Sextus Empiricus was the strongest single agent of disbelief"". (ibid., p. 346). Our knowledge of ancient scepticism comes almost solely from Sextus, who is introduced to the Renaissance in 1562 with this first printing of any of his works. From then on, skepticism grew rapidly, determining the course of much modern thought.""Ancient Scepticism had a number of followers in the renaissance, especially in the sixteenth century, when the writings of Sextus became more widely known. [...] Scepticism in matters of religion is by no means incompatible with religious faith, as the example of Augustine may show"" consequently this position had many more followers during the sixteenth century than is usually realized. The chief expression of this sceptical ethics is found in some of the essays of Montaigne, and in the writings of his pupil, Pierre Charon."" (Kristeller, p. 36).Adams: 1027. See:Kristeller: ""Renaissance Thought II. Papers on Humanism and the Arts"", 1965.Popkin: ""The History of Scepticism. From Savonarola to Bayle"", 2003.Copenhaver & Schmitt: ""Renaissance Philosophy"", 1992.
